the ancien regime-第2章

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every　nation　on　the　Continent；　is　the　very　same　peculiarity　which

makes　the　advent　of　the　masses　to　a　share　in　political　power　safe

and　harmless；　namely；　the　absence　of　caste；　or　rather　（for　there　is

sure　to　be　a　moral　fact　underlying　and　causing　every　political　fact）

the　absence　of　that　wicked　pride　which　perpetuates　caste；　forbidding

those　to　intermarry　whom　nature　and　fact　pronounce　to　be　fit　mates

before　God　and　man。



These　views　are　not　mine　only。　　They　have　been　already　set　forth　so

much　more　forcibly　by　M。　de　Tocqueville；　that　I　should　have　thought

it　unnecessary　to　talk　about　them；　were　not　the　rhetorical　phrases；

〃Caste；〃　〃Privileged　Classes；〃　〃Aristocratic　Exclusiveness；〃　and

such…like；　bandied　about　again　just　now；　as　if　they　represented

facts。　　If　there　remain　in　this　kingdom　any　facts　which　correspond

to　those　words；　let　them　be　abolished　as　speedily　as　possible：　　but

that　such　do　remain　was　not　the　opinion　of　the　master　of　modern

political　philosophy；　M。　de　Tocqueville。



He　expresses　his　surprise　〃that　the　fact　which　distinguishes　England

from　all　other　modern　nations；　and　which　alone　can　throw　light　on

her　peculiarities；　。　。　。　has　not　attracted　more　attention；　。　。　。　and

that　habit　has　rendered　it；　as　it　were；　imperceptible　to　the　English

themselvesthat　England　was　the　only　country　in　which　the　system　of

caste　had　been　not　only　modified；　but　effectually　destroyed。　　The

nobility　and　the　middle　classes　followed　the　same　business；　embraced

the　same　professions；　and；　what　is　far　more　significant；

intermarried　with　each　other。　　The　daughter　of　the　greatest

nobleman〃　（and　this；　if　true　of　the　eighteenth　century；　has　become

far　more　true　of　the　nineteenth）　〃could　already；　without　disgrace；

marry　a　man　of　yesterday。〃　。　。　。



〃It　has　often　been　remarked　that　the　English　nobility　has　been　more

prudent；　more　able；　and　less　exclusive　than　any　other。　　It　would

have　been　much　nearer　the　truth　to　say；　that　in　England；　for　a　very

long　time　past；　no　nobility；　properly　so　called；　have　existed；　if　we

take　the　word　in　the　ancient　and　limited　sense　it　has　everywhere

else　retained。〃　。　。　。



〃For　several　centuries　the　word　'gentleman'〃　（he　might　have　added；

〃burgess〃）　〃has　altogether　changed　its　meaning　in　England；　and　the

word　'roturier'　has　ceased　to　exist。　　In　each　succeeding　century　it

is　applied　to　persons　placed　somewhat　lower　in　the　social　scale〃　（as

the　〃bagman〃　of　Pickwick　has　become；　and　has　deserved　to　become；　the

〃commercial　gentleman〃　of　our　day）。　　〃At　length　it　travelled　with

the　English　to　America；　where　it　is　used　to　designate　every　citizen

indiscriminately。　　Its　history　is　that　of　democracy　itself。〃　。　。　。



〃If　the　middle　classes　of　England；　instead　of　making　war　upon　the

aristocracy；　have　remained　so　intimately　connected　with　it；　it　is

not　especially　because　the　aristocracy　is　open　to　all；　but　rather；

because　its　outline　was　indistinct；　and　its　limit　unknown：　　not　so

much　because　any　man　might　be　admitted　into　it；　as　because　it　was

impossible　to　say　with　certainty　when　he　took　rank　there：　　so　that

all　who　approached　it　might　look　on　themselves　as　belonging　to　it；

might　take　part　in　its　rule；　and　derive　either　lustre　or　profit　from

its　influence。〃



Just　so；　and　therefore　the　middle　classes　of　Britain；　of　whatever

their　special　political　party；　are　conservative　in　the　best　sense　of

that　word。



For　there　are　not　three；　but　only　two；　classes　in　England；　namely；

rich　and　poor：　　those　who　live　by　capital　（from　the　wealthiest

landlord　to　the　smallest　village　shopkeeper）；　and　those　who　live　by

hand…labour。　　Whether　the　division　between　those　two　classes　is

increasing　or　not；　is　a　very　serious　question。　　Continued

legislation　in　favour　of　the　hand…labourer；　and　a　beneficence

towards　him；　when　in　need；　such　as　no　other　nation　on　earth　has　ever

shown；　have　done　much　to　abolish　the　moral　division。　　But　the　social

division　has　surely　been　increased　during　the　last　half　century；　by

the　inevitable　tendency；　both　in　commerce　and　agriculture；　to　employ

one　large　capital；　where　several　small　ones　would　have　been　employed

a　century　ago。　　The　large　manufactory；　the　large　shop；　the　large

estate；　the　large　farm；　swallows　up　the　small　ones。　　The　yeoman；　the

thrifty　squatter　who　could　work　at　two　or　three　trades　as　well　as

till　his　patch　of　moor；　the　hand…loom　weaver；　the　skilled　village

craftsman；　have　all　but　disappeared。　　The　handworker；　finding　it

more　and　more　difficult　to　invest　his　savings；　has　been　more　and

more　tempted　to　squander　them。　　To　rise　to　the　dignity　of　a

capitalist；　however　small；　was　growing　impossible　to　him；　till　the

rise　of　that　co…operative　movement；　which　will　do　more　than　any

social　or　political　impulse　in　our　day　for　the　safety　of　English

society；　and　the　loyalty　of　the　English　working　classes。　　And

meanwhileere　that　movement　shall　have　spread　throughout　the　length

and　breadth　of　the　land；　and　have　been　applied；　as　it　surely　will　be

some　day；　not　only　to　distribution；　not　only　to　manufacture；　but　to

agriculture　likewisetill　then；　the　best　judges　of　the　working

men's　worth　must　be　their　employers；　and　especially　the　employers　of

the　northern　manufacturing　population。　　What　their　judgment　is；　is

sufficiently　notorious。　　Those　who　depend　most　on　the　working　men；

who　have　the　best　opportunities　of　knowing　them；　trust　them　most

thoroughly。　　As　long　as　great　manufacturers　stand　forward　as　the

political　sponsors　of　their　own　workmen；　it　behoves　those　who　cannot

have　had　their　experience；　to　consider　their　opinion　as　conclusive。

As　for　that　〃influence　of　the　higher　classes〃　which　is　said　to　be

endangered　just　now；　it　will　exist；　just　as　much　as　it　deserves　to

exist。　　Any　man　who　is　superior　to　the　many；　whether　in　talents；

education；　refinement；　wealth；　or　anything　else；　will　always　be　able

to　influence　a　number　of　menand　if　he　thinks　it　worth　his　while；

of　votesby　just　and　lawful　means。　　And　as　for　unjust　and　unlawful

means；　let　those　who　prefer　them　keep　up　heart。　　The　world　will　go

on　much　as　it　did　before；　and　be　always　quite　bad　enough　to　allow

bribery　and　corruption；　jobbery　and　nepotism；　quackery　and

arrogance；　their　full　influence　over　our　home　and　foreign　policy。

An　extension　of　the　suffrage；　however　wide；　will　not　bring　about　the

millennium。　　It　will　merely　make　a　large　number　of　Englishmen

contented　and　loyal；　instead　of　discontented　and　disloyal。　　It　may

make；　too；　the　educated　and　wealthy　classes　wiser　by　awakening　a

wholesome　fearperhaps；　it　may　be；　by　awakening　a　chivalrous

emulation。　　It　may　put　the　younger　men　of　the　present　aristocracy

upon　their　mettle；　and　stir　them　up　to　prove　that　they　are　not　in

the　same　effete　condition　as　was　the　French　noblesse　in　1789。　　It

may　lead　them　to　take　the　warnings　which　have　been　addressed　to

them；　for　the　last　thirty　years；　by　their　truest　friendsoften　by

kinsmen　of　their　own。　　It　may　lead　them　to　ask　themselves　why；　in　a

world　which　is　governed　by　a　just　God；　such　great　power　as　is

palpably　theirs　at　present　is　entrusted　to　them；　save　that　they　may

do　more　work；　and　not　less；　than　other　men；　under　the　penalties

pronounced　against　those　to　whom　much　is　given；　and　of　whom　much　is

required。　　It　may　lead　them　to　discover　that　they　are　in　a　world

where　it　is　not　safe　to　sit　under　the　tree；　and　let　the　ripe　fruit

drop　into　your　mouth；　where　the　〃competition　of　species〃　works　with

ruthless　energy　among　all　ranks　of　being；　from　kings　upon　their

thrones　to　the　weeds　upon　the　waste；　where　〃he　that　is　not　hammer；

is　sure　to　be　anvil；〃　and　he　who　will　not　work；　neither　shall　he

eat。　　It　may　lead　them　to　devote　that　energy　（in　which　they　surpass

so　far　the　continental　aristocracies）　to　something　better　than

outdoor　amusements　or　indoor　dilettantisms。　　There　are　those　among

them　who；　like　one　section　of　the　old　French　noblesse；　content

themselves　with　mere　complaints　of　〃the　revolutionary　tendencies　of

the　age。〃　　Let　them　beware　in　time；　for　when　the　many　are　on　the

march；　the　few　who　stand　still　are　certain　to　be　walked　over。　　There

are　those　among　them　who；　like　another　section　of　the　French

noblesse；　are　ready；　more　generously　than　wisely；　to　throw　away

their　own　social　and　political　advantages；　and　play　（for　it　will

never　be　really　more　than　playing）　at　democracy。　　Let　them；　too；

beware。　　The　penknife　and　the　axe　should　respect　each　other；　for

they　were　wrought　from　the　same　steel：　　but　the　penknife　will　not　be

wise　in　trying　to　fell　trees。　　Let　them　accept　their　own　position；

not　in　conceit　and　arrogance；　but　in　fear　and　trembling；　and　see　if

they　cannot　play　the　man　therein；　and　save　their　own　class；　and　with

it；　much　which　it　has　needed　many　centuries　to　accumulate　and　to

organise；　and　without　which　no　nation　has　yet　existed　for　a　single

century。　　They　are　no　more　like　the　old　French　noblesse；　than　are

the　commercial　class　like　the　old　French　bourgeoisie；　or　the

labouring　like　the　old　French　peasantry。　　Let　them　prove　that　fact

by　their　deeds　during　the　next　generation；　or　sink　into　the

condition　of　mere　rich　men；　exciting；　by　their　luxury　and　laziness；

nothing　but　envy　and　contempt。



Meanwhile；　behind　all　classes　and　social　forcesI　had　almost　said；

above　them　allstands　a　fourth　estate；　which　will；　ultimately；

decide　the　form　which　English　society　is　to　take：　　a　Press　as

different　from　the　literary　class　of　the　Ancien　Regime　as　is

everything　else　English；　and　different　in　thisthat　it　is　free。



The　French　Revolution；　like　every　revolution　（it　seems　to　me）　which

has　convulsed　the　nations　of　Europe　for　the　last　eighty　years；　was

caused　immediatelywhatever　may　have　been　its　more　remote　causes

by　the　suppression　of　thought；　or；　at　least；　by　a　sense　of　wrong

among　those　who　thought。　　A　country　where　every　man；　be　he　fool　or

wise；　is　free　to　speak　that　which　is　in　him；　can　never　suffer　a

revolution。　　The　folly　blows　itself　off　like　steam；　in　harmless

noise；　the　wisdom　becomes　part　of　the　general　intellectual　stock　of

the　nation；　and　prepares　men　for　gradual；　and　therefore　for

harmless；　change。



As　long　as　the　press　is　free；　a　nation　is　guaranteed　against　sudden

and　capricious　folly；　either　from　above　or　from　below。　　As　long　as

the　press　is　free；　a　nation　is　guaranteed　against　the　worse　evil　of

persistent　and　obstinate　folly；　cloaking　itself　under　the　venerable

shapes　of　tradition　and　authority。　　For　under　a　free　press；　a　nation

must　ultimately　be　guided　not　by　a　caste；　not　by　a　class；　not　by

mere　wealth；　not　by　the　passions　of　a　mob：　　but　by　mind；　by　the　net

result　of　all　the　common…sense　of　its　members；　and　in　the　present

default　of　genius；　which　is　un…common　sense；　common…sense　seems　to

be　the　only；　if　not　the　best；　safeguard　for　poor　humanity。



1867







LECTURE　ICASTE







＇Delivered　at　the　Royal　Institution；　London；　1867。＇



These　Lectures　are　mean