the life of stephen a. douglas-第16章

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m　and　regulate　their　institutions　in　their　own　way。〃

This　remarkable　speech　was　recognized　by　all　who　heard　it　as　marking　an　epoch；　not　merely　in　the　life　of　the　orator；　but　in　the　evolution　of　party　politics　at　a　time　when　parties　were　bending　in　death　grapple　and　them　most　portentous　civil　war　in　history　was　looming　in　the　distance。　　The　speech　was　a　clean；　powerful；　dispassionate　argument　delivered　with　an　air　of　dignity　and　fortitude　that　greatly　mollified　the　hearts　of　his　old　enemies。

Bigler　of　Pennsylvania；　rising　to　defend　the　President；　reminded　the　Senate　that　only　a　short　year　ago　Douglas　had　voted　for　the　Toombs　bill；　which　provided　for　the　holding　of　a　Constitutional　Convention　without　submitting　its　work　to　the　people。　　Douglas　protested　that　he　did　not　so　understand　the　bill　and　challenged　Bigler　for　evidence　that　a　single　Senator　so　understood　it。　　A　remarkable　dialogue　followed。　　Bigler；　who　was　a　Democrat　and　a　humble　admirer　of　Douglas；　said：

〃I　was　present　when　that　subject　was　discussed　by　Senators　before　the　bill　was　introduced；　and　the　question　whether　the　Constitution　when　formed　should　be　submitted　to　a　vote　of　the　people。　　It　was　held　by　those　most　intelligent　on　the　subject　that　*　*　*　it　would　be　better　that　there　should　be　no　（such）　provision　in　the　Toombs　bill；　and　it　was　my　understanding　*　*　*　that　the　Convention　would　make　a　Constitution　and　send　it　here　without　submitting　it　to　the　popular　vote。〃

Douglas　inquired；　angrily；　whether　he　meant　to　insinuate　that　he　had　been　present　at　any　such　conference。　　Bigler　hesitated　and　sought　to　avoid　the　disclosure　of　the　proceedings　at　their　secret　caucus；　but　Douglas　impetuously　released　him　from　all　secrecy　and　challenged　him；　if　he　knew；　to　declare；　that；　directly　or　indirectly；　publicly　or　privately；　anywhere　on　the　face　of　the　earth；　he　was　ever　present　at　such　a　consultation　when　it　was　called　to　his　attention　and　he　agreed　to　approve　a　Constitution　without　submitting　it　to　the　people。

Bigler；　who　had　an　uneasy　suspicion　that　he　was　improperly　disclosing　party　secrets；　could　not　decline　the　challenge；　and　replied　that　he　remembered　very　well　that　the　question　was　discussed　at　a　conference　held　at　Douglas'　own　house。　　〃It　was　then　urged；〃　he　said；　〃by　Toombs；　that　there　should　be　no　provision　for　the　submission　of　the　Constitution　to　the　people。〃　　He　did　not　remember　whether　Douglas　took　part　in　the　discussion；　but　his　own　understanding　of　the　sense　of　the　caucus　was　that　the　Convention　should　have　the　right　to　make　a　Constitution　and　send　it　directly　to　Congress　for　approval。

Douglas　protested　that　he　was　innocent　of　any　such　conspiracy。　　He　confessed　that　his　attention　was　called　to　the　fact　that　no　provision　was　made　in　the　Toombs　bill　for　the　submission　of　the　Constitution；　but　his　understanding　was　that；　powers　not　delegated　being　reserved；　it　would；　of　course；　be　submitted。　　Bigler　reminded　him　that；　while　he　had　taken　this　for　granted　in　the　case　of　Kansas；　he　had　about　the　same　time　drafted　a　bill　for　the　admission　of　Minnesota　in　which　he　took　care　to　provide　in　express　terms　that　the　Constitution　must　be　submitted。　　If　he　then　thought　general　principles　of　law　secured　the　submission　of　the　Kansas　Constitution　without　providing　for　it　in　the　enabling　act；　why　this　care　to　expressly　provide　for　it　in　the　Minnesota　act？

He　was　now　swimming　amid　perilous　breakers。　　He　had　thrown　down　the　gage　of　battle　to　his　party。　　In　the　twinkling　of　an　eye　he　was　transformed　from　recognized　chief　to　a　rebel；　but　he　was　isolated　and　unsupported。　　He　could　not　consort　with　Republicans。　　The　rankling　wounds　of　the　by…gone　years　could　not　heal　so　suddenly。　Moreover；　he　did　not　want　their　society。　　He　intended　to　remain　a　Democrat　and　hoped　to　force　upon　his　party　such　policies　that　Illinois　and　the　Northwest　would　be　solidly　at　his　back。　　With　the　Democratic　States　of　the　North　standing　firmly　with　him　he　could　still　dictate　terms　to　the　South；　which　would　have　to　choose　between　Northern　Democrats　and　Northern　Republicans。





Chapter　XII。　　The　Lecompton　Constitution。




On　February　2nd　Buchanan　sent　to　Congress　his　message；　transmitting　the　Lecompton　Constitution　and　urging　its　approval。　　As　apology　for　his　change　of　front　and　excuse　for　a　like　change　in　others　he　drew　a　dark　picture　of　the　disturbed　condition　of　affairs　in　the　Territory；　portraying　the　Topeka　free　State　enterprise　as　a　vast　insurrectionary　movement。　　He　told　Congress　that　it　was　impossible　to　submit　the　whole　instrument　to　a　vote　because　the　free　State　faction；　who　were　the　majority；　would　vote　against　any　Constitution；　however　perfect；　except　their　own。　　He　commended　the　entire　regularity　of　the　Lecompton　Convention　and　the　fairness　with　which　the　slavery　question　had　been　submitted　to　a　vote　and　urged　immediate　admission。

When　the　motion　to　print　and　refer　to　the　Committee　on　Territories　was　made；　Trumbull　denounced　the　message　with　great　energy　and　at　some　length。　　He　asked　sneeringly　what　had　become　of　the　once　celebrated　principle　of　popular　sovereignty？　　The　people　of　Kansas　were　denied　the　right　of　voting　on　their　Constitution　at　all　and　the　Dred　Scott　decision　had　settled　that　at　no　stage　had　the　people　of　a　Territory　power　to　interfere　with　slavery。　　The　whole　doctrine；　he　declared；　had　been　absolutely　repudiated。

The　message　having　been　referred　to　the　Committee　on　Territories　after　six　days'　debate；　on　the　18th　of　February　a　bill　was　reported　by　a　majority　of　the　Committee　for　the　admission　of　Kansas　into　the　Union　under　the　Lecompton　Constitution　and　Douglas　presented　a　minority　report　protesting　against　it。　　For　two　weeks　he　was　confined　to　his　room　by　sickness；　but；　as　the　day　for　the　vote　was　near；　notice　was　given　that　he　would　speak　on　the　22nd　of　March。

On　that　day　the　Senate　met　at　the　early　hour　of　ten。　　Already　the　galleries　were　crowded。　　Long　before　noon　the　passages　leading　to　the　Chamber　were　thronged　with　men　and　women　vainly　seeking　admission。　In　a　moment　of　graceful　gallantry　the　Senators　admitted　the　ladies　to　the　floor。　　Through　long　hours　of　debate　the　crowd　waited。　　The　Senate　adjourned　until　seven　o'clock；　at　which　time　Douglas　was　to　speak。　　The　visitors　who　were　lucky　enough　to　have　gained　admission　waited　with　patient　good　humor　for　the　return　of　the　Senators；　who　at　last　began　to　force　their　way　back　into　the　Chamber　through　the　dense　throngs。

A　little　before　seven　the　short　figure　of　Douglas　was　observed　at　the　door　and　he　was　greeted　with　loud　applause　from　the　galleries。　The　session　resumed　and　he　rose　to　speak。　　Cheered　as　he　was　by　the　sympathy　and　admiration　of　the　visitors；　it　was　to　him　a　stern　enough　hour　when　he　must　finally　break　with　his　powerful　party　and　battle　with　his　utmost　strength　against　its　cherished　program。　　He　must　attack；　not　Buchanan；　but　the　organized　Democracy；　now　more　powerfully　entrenched　than　ever　before。　　It　controlled　the　President　and　the　Supreme　Court　and　had　bent　them　to　its　will　in　this　precise　quarrel。　　The　Senate　was　Democratic　nearly　two　to　one；　and　but　two　of　the　majority　followed　him　in　his　revolt。　　In　the　House　the　Democrats　had　a　majority　of　twenty…five。

Foreseeing　the　personal　consequences　of　his　act；　he　opened　his　speech　with　an　elaborate　review　of　his　course　in　Congress　in　relation　to　slavery　in　the　Territories；　showing　that　from　the　beginning　he　had　favored　leaving　the　whole　question　fairly　to　the　inhabitants。　　He　stood　on　the　principle　of　the　Compromise　of　1850　as　approved　and　interpreted　by　the　legislature　of　Illinois　in　1851。　　That　body　had　declared　that　the　people　of　a　Territory　had　a　right　to　form　such　government　as　they　chose。　　But　was　the　Lecompton　Constitution　the　act　and　deed　of　the　people　of　Kansas？　　Did　it　embody　their　will？　If　not；　Congress　had　no　right　to　impose　it　on　them。　　Where　was　the　evidence　that　it　did　embody　their　will？　　By　a　fraudulent　vote　on　December　12th　it　was　adopted　by　5；500　majority。　　By　a　fair　vote　on　January　4th　it　was　defeated　by　10；000　majority。　　The　election　on　December　21st　was　ordered　by　the　Lecompton　Convention；　deriving　its　authority　from　the　territorial　legislature。　　The　legislature　itself　ordered　the　election　on　January　4th。　　Granting　the　argument　that　the　organic　act　was　in　effect　an　enabling　act；　then　the　territorial　legislature　had　power　to　authorize　the　Lecompton　Convention　and　also　to　order　it　work　submitted　to　a　vote。　　The　legislature　either　had　the　full　power　of　Congress　over　the　subject　or　it　had　none。

But；　it　was　claimed；　the　Constitution　would　have　been　voted　down　if　submitted。　　What　right　had　Congress　to　force　it　upon　the　people？　It　was　a　mockery　to　call　it　an　embodiment　of　their　will　and　a　crime　to　attempt　to　enforce　it。　　If　it　ever　became　the　Constitution　of　Kansas　it　would　be　the　act　of　Congress　that　made　it　so　and　not　the　decision　of　the　people。　　That　it　could　be　changed　thereafter　was　no　apology　for　this　outrage。　　It　was　as　much　a　violation　of　fundamental　principle；　a　violation　of　popular　sovereignty；　to　force　a　Constitution　on　an　unwilling　people　for　a　day　as　for　a　year　or　for　a　longer　time。

If　a　few　thousand　Free　Soilers　had　fabricated　a　Constitution　in　this　fashion；　prohibiting　slavery　forever；　would　the　gentlemen　from　the　South　have　submitted　to　the　outrage？　　They　were　asked　to　admit　Kansas　with　a　State　government　brought　into　existence　not　only　by　fraudulent　voting　but　forged　returns　sustained　by　perjury。

He　paused　to　comment　on　certain　diatribes　in　the　Washington　Union　which　had　denounced　him　as　a　renegade；　traitor　and　deserter；　and　read　from　its　columns　an　article　presenting　the　extreme　claims　of　the　South；　arguing　that　all　laws　and　Constitutions　of　the　free　States　forbidding　slavery　were　violations　of　the　Federal　Constitution；　and　that　the　emancipation　of　slaves　in　the　Northern　States　was　a　gross　outrage　on　the　rights　of　property。　　But　this　article；　he　said；　was　in　harmony　with　the　Lecompton　Constitution；　which　declared　the　right　of　property　in　a　slave　to　be　higher　than　Constitutions。　This　meant　that　the　Constitutions　of　the　free　States　forbidding　slavery　were　in　conflict　with　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States　and　of　no　validity。　　Hence　slavery　had　right　to　exist　in　all　the　States。　　But　this　was　not　the　authentic　Democratic　faith；　which　left　the　whole　question　to　the　option　of　the　several　States。　　If　each　one　took　care　of　its　own　affairs；　minded　its　own　business　and　let　its　neighbors　alone；　there　would　be　peace　in　the　country。　Seward　had　proclaimed　a　higher　law　which　forbade　slavery　everywhere。　this　instrument　and　the　Administration　paper　proclaimed　a　higher　law　which　established　it　in　all　the　States。　　It　was　time　to　quit　this　folly　and　yield　obedience　to　the　Constitution　and　laws　of　the　land。

It　was　the　most　arrant　presumption　for　the　Administration　to　attempt　to　make　this　a　party　measure。　　By　what　right　did　these　accidental　and　temporary　holders　of　office　prescribe　party　politics？　　There　had　been　no　Convention；　not　even　a　caucus；　since　this　question　arose。　The　party　was　not　committed。　　The　President　had　no　right　to　tell　a　Senator　his　duty　and　command　his　allegiance。　　He　had　no　power　to　prescribe　tests。　　A　Senator's　first　duty　was　to　his　State。　　〃If　the　will　of　my　State　is　one　way　and　the　will　of　the　P