bentham-第8章
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nt。 Leaving such people to discover their mistake as they may; we shall expend a few words in attempting to discriminate between the truth and error of this celebrated theory。 There are three great questions in government。 First; to what authority is it for the good of the people that they should be subject? Secondly; how are they to be induced to obey that authority? The answers to these two questions vary indefinitely; according to the degree and kind of civilization and cultivation already attained by a people; and their peculiar aptitudes for receiving more。 Comes next a third question; not liable to so much variation; namely; by what means are the abuses of this authority to be checked? This third question is the only one of the three to which Bentham seriously applies himself; and he gives it the only answer it admits of Responsibility: responsibility to persons whose interest; whose obvious and recognizable interest; accords with the end in view good government。 This being granted; it is next to be asked; in what body of persons this identity of interest with good government; that is; with the interest of the whole community; is to be found? In nothing less; says Bentham; than the numerical majority: nor; say we; even in the numerical majority itself; of no portion of the community less than all; will the interest coincide; at all times and in all respects; with the interest of all。 But since power given to all; by a representative government; is in fact given to a majority; we are obliged to fall back upon the first of our three questions; namely; under what authority is it for the good of the people that they be placed? And if to this the answer be; under that of a majority among themselves; Bentham's system cannot be questioned。 This one assumption being made; his 'Constitutional Code' is admirable。 That extraordinary power which he possessed; of at once seizing comprehensive principles; and scheming out minute details; is brought into play with surpassing vigour in devising means for preventing rulers from escaping from the control of the majority; for enabling and inducing the majority to exercise that control unremittingly; and for providing them with servants of every desirable endowment; moral and intellectual; compatible with entire subservience to their will。 But is this fundamental doctrine of Bentham's political philosophy an universal truth? Is it; at all times and places; good for mankind to be under the absolute authority of the majority of themselves? We say the authority; not the political authority merely; because it is chimerical to suppose that whatever has absolute power over men's bodies will not arrogate it over their minds will not seek to control (not perhaps by legal penalties; but by the persecutions of society) opinions and feelings which depart from its standard; will not attempt to shape the eduction of the young by its model; and to extinguish all books; all schools; all combinations of individuals for joint action upon society; which may be attempted for the purpose of keeping alive a spirit at variance with its own。 Is it; we say; the proper condition of man; in all ages and nations; to be under the despotism of Public Opinion? It is very conceivable that such a doctrine should find acceptance from some of the noblest spirits; in a time of reaction against the aristocratic governments of modern Europe; governments founded on the entire sacrifice (except so far as prudence; and sometimes humane feeling interfere) of the community generally; to the self…interest and ease of a few。 European reformers have been accustomed to see the numerical majority everywhere unjustly depressed; everywhere trampled upon; or at the best overlooked; by governments; nowhere possessing power enough to extort redress of their most positive grievances; provision for their mental culture; or even to prevent themselves from being taxed avowedly for the pecuniary profit of the ruling classes。 To see these things; and to seek to put an end to them; by means (among other things) of giving more political power to the majority; constitutes Radicalism; and it is because so many in this age have felt this wish; and have felt that the realization of it was an object worthy of men's devoting their lives to it; that such a theory of government as Bentham's has found favour with them。 But; though to pass from one form of bad government to another be the ordinary fate of mankind; philosophers ought not to make themselves parties to it; by sacrificing one portion of important truth to another。 The numerical majority of any society whatever; must consist of persons all standing in the same social position; and having; in the main; the same pursuits; namely; unskilled manual labourers; and we mean no disparagement to them: whatever we say to their disadvantage; we say equally of a numerical majority of shopkeepers; or of squires。 Where there is identity of position and pursuits; there also will be identity of partialities; passions; and prejudices; and to give to any one set of partialities; passions and prejudices; absolute power; without counter…balance from partialities; passions and prejudices of a different sort; is the way to render the correction of any of those imperfections hopeless; to make one narrow; mean type of human nature universal and perpetual; and to crush every influence which tends to the further improvement of man's intellectual and moral nature。 There must; we know; be some paramount power in society; and that the majority should be that power; is on the whole right; not as being just in itself; but as being less unjust than any other footing on which the matter can be placed。 But it is necessary that the institutions of society should make provision for keeping up; in some form or other; as a corrective to partial views; and a shelter for freedom of thought and individuality of character; a perpetual and standing Opposition to the will of the majority。 All countries which have long continued progressive; or been durably great; have been so because there has been an organized opposition to the ruling power; of whatever kind that power was: plebians to patricians; clergy to kings; freethinkers to clergy; kings to barons; commons to king and aristocracy。 Almost all the greatest men who ever lived have formed part of such an Opposition。 Wherever some such quarrel has not been going on wherever it has been terminated by the complete victory of one of the contending principles; and no new contest has taken the place of the old society has either hardened into a Chinese stationariness; or fallen into dissolution。 A centre of resistance; round which all the moral and social elements which the ruling power views with disfavour may cluster themselves; and behind whose bulwarks they may find shelter from the attempts of that power to hunt them out of existence; is as necessary where the opinion of the majority is sovereign; as where the ruling power is a hierarchy or an aristocracy。 Where no such point d'appui exists; there the human race will inevitably degenerate; and the question; whether the United States; for instance; will in time sink into another China (also a most commercial and industrious nation); resolves itself; to us; into the question; whether such a centre of resistance will gradually evolve itself or not。 These things being considered; we cannot think that Bentham made the most useful employment which might have been made of his great powers; when; not content with enthroning the majority as sovereign; by means of universal suffrage without king or house of lords; he exhausted all the resources of ingenuity in devising means for riveting the yoke of public opinion closer and closer round the necks of all public functionaries; and excluding every possibility of the exercise of the slightest or most temporary influence either by a minority; or by the functionary's own notions of right。 Surely when any power has been made the strongest power; enough has been done for it; care is thenceforth wanted rather to prevent that strongest power from swallowing up all others。 Wherever all the forces of society act in one single direction; the just claims of the individual human being are in extreme peril。 The power of the majority is salutary in so far as it is used defensively; not offensively as its exertion is tempered by respect for the personality of the individual; and deference to superiority of cultivated intelligence。 If Bentham had employed himself in pointing out the means by which institutions fundamentally democratic might be best adapted to the preservation and strengthening of those two sentiments; he would have done something more permanently valuable; and more worthy of his great intellect。 Montesquieu; with the lights of the present age; would have done it; and we are possibly destined to receive this benefit from the Montesquieu of our own times; M。 de Tocqueville。 Do we then consider Bentham's political speculations useless? Far from it。 We consider them only one…sided。 He has brought out into a strong light; has cleared from a thousand confusions and misconceptions; and pointed out with admirable skill the best means of promoting; one of the ideal qualities of a perfect government identity of interest between the trustees and the community for whom they hold their power in trust。 This quality is not attainable in its ideal perfection; and must moreover be striven for with a perpetual eye to all other requisites; but those other requisites must still more be striven for without losing sight of this: and when the slightest postponement is made of it to any other end; the sacrifice; often necessary; is never unattended with evil。 Bentham has pointed out how complete this sacrifice is in modern European societies: how exclusively; partial and sinister interests are the ruling power there; with only such check as is imposed by public opinion which being thus; in the existing order of things; perpetually apparent as a source of good; he was led by natural partiality to exaggerate its intrinsic excellence。 This sinister interest of rulers Bentham hunted through all its disguises; and especially through those which hide it from the men themselves who are influenced by it。 The greatest service rendered by him to the philosophy of universal human nature; is; perhaps; his illustration of what he terms 'interest…begotten prejudice' the common tendency of man to make a duty and a virtue of following his self…interest。 The idea; it is true; was far from being peculiarly Bentham's: the artifices by which we persuade ourselves that we are not yielding to our selfish inclinations when we are; had attracted the notice of all moralists; and had been probed by religious writers to a depth as much below Bentham's; as their knowledge of the profundities and windings of the human heart was superior to his。 But it is selfish interest in the form of class…interest; and the class morality founded thereon; which Bentham has illustrated: the manner in which any set of persons who mix much together; and have a common interest; are apt to make that common interest their standard of virtue; and the social feelings of the members of the class are made to play into the hands of their selfish ones; whence the un