list2-第14章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！





to　obtain　supplies　of　the　manufactured　goods　which　they　require。　An



agricultural　nation　is；　as　we　have　already　stated；　an　individual



with　one　arm；　who　makes　use　of　a　foreign　arm；　but　who　cannot　make



sure　of　the　use　of　it　in　all　cases；　an　agricultural…manufacturing



nation　is　an　individual　who　has　two　arms　of　his　own　always　at　his



disposal。



　　　　It　is　a　fundamental　error　of　the　school　when　it　represents　the



system　of　protection　as　a　mere　device　of　speculative　politicians



which　is　contrary　to　nature。　History　is　there　to　prove　that



protective　regulations　originated　either　in　the　natural　efforts　of



nations　to　attain　to　prosperity；　independence；　and　power；　or　in



consequence　of　wars　and　of　the　hostile　commercial　legislation　of



predominating　manufacturing　nations。



　　　　The　idea　of　independence　and　power　originates　in　the　very　idea



of　'the　nation。'　The　school　never　takes　this　into　consideration；



because　it　does　not　make　the　economy　of　the　separate　nation；　but



the　economy　of　society　generally；　i。e。　of　the　whole　human　race；　the



object　of　its　investigations。　If　we　imagine；　for　instance；　that　all



nations　were　united　by　means　of　a　universal　confederation；　their



individual　independence　and　power　would　cease　to　be　an　object　of



regard。　The　security　for　the　independence　of　every　nation　would　in



such　a　case　rest　on　the　legal　provisions　of　the　universal　society；



just　as　e。g。　the　security　of　the　independence　of　the　states　of



Rhode　Island　and　Delaware　lies　in　the　union　of　all　the　free　states



constituting　the　American　Union。　Since　the　first　foundation　of　that



Union　it　has　never　yet　occurred　to　any　of　these　smaller　states　to



care　for　the　enlargement　of　its　own　political　power；　or　to　consider



its　independence　less　secured　than　is　that　of　the　largest　states　of



the　Union。



　　　　In　proportion；　however；　as　the　principle　of　a　universal



confederation　of　nations　is　reasonable；　in　just　the　same　degree



would　a　given　nation　act　contrary　to　reason　if；　in　anticipation　of



the　great　advantages　to　be　expected　from　such　a　union；　and　from　a



state　of　universal　and　perpetual　peace；　it　were　to　regulate　the



principles　of　its　national　policy　as　though　this　universal



confederation　of　nations　existed　already。　We　ask；　would　not　every



sane　person　consider　a　government　to　be　insane　which；　in



consideration　of　the　benefits　and　the　reasonableness　of　a　state　of



universal　and　perpetual　peace；　proposed　to　disband　its　armies；



destroy　its　fleet；　and　demolish　its　fortresses？　But　such　a



government　would　be　doing　nothing　different　in　principle　from　what



the　popular　school　requires　from　governments　when；　because　of　the



advantages　which　would　be　derivable　from　general　free　trade；　it



urges　that　they　should　abandon　the　advantages　derivable　from



protection。



　　　　War　has　a　ruinous　effect　on　the　reciprocal　commercial　relations



between　nation　and　nation。　The　agriculturist　living　in　one　country



is　by　it　forcibly　separated　from　the　manufacturer　living　in　another



country。　While；　however；　the　manufacturer　（especially　if　he　belongs



to　a　nation　powerful　at　sea；　and　carrying　on　extensive　commerce）



readily　finds　compensation　from　the　agriculturists　of　his　own



country；　or　from　those　of　other　accessible　agricultural　countries；



the　inhabitant　of　the　purely　agricultural　country　suffers　doubly



through　this　interruption　of　intercourse。



　　　　The　market　for　his　agricultural　products　will　fail　him



entirely；　and　he　will　consequently　lose　the　means　of　paying　for



those　manufactured　goods　which　have　become　necessaries　to　him　owing



to　previously　existing　trade；　his　power　both　of　production　and



consumption　will　be　diminished。



　　　　If；　however；　one　agricultural　nation　whose　production　and



consumption　are　thus　diminished　by　war　has　already　made



considerable　advances　in　population；　civilisation；　and　agriculture；



manufactures　and　factories　will　spring　up　in　it　in　consequence　of



the　interruption　of　international　commerce　by　war。　War　acts　on　it



like　a　prohibitive　tariff　system。　It　thereby　becomes　acquainted



with　the　great　advantages　of　a　manufacturing　power　of　its　own；　it



becomes　convinced　by　practical　experience　that　it　has　gained　more



than　it　has　lost　by　the　commercial　interruptions　which　war　has



occasioned。　The　conviction　gains　ground　in　it；　that　it　is　called　to



pass　from　the　condition　of　a　mere　agricultural　State　to　the



condition　of　an　agricultural…manufacturing　State；　and　in



consequence　of　this　transition；　to　attain　to　the　highest　degree　of



prosperity；　Civilisation；　and　power。　But　if　after　such　a　nation　has



already　made　considerable　progress　in　the　manufacturing　career



which　was　opened　to　it　by　war；　peace　is　again　established；　and



should　both　nations　then　contemplate　the　resumption　of　their



previously　existing　commercial　intercourse；　they　will　both　find



that　during　the　war　new　interests　have　been　formed；　which　would　be



destroyed　by　re…establishing　the　former　commercial　interchange。（1*）



The　former　agricultural　nation　will　feel；　that　in　order　to　resume



the　sale　of　its　agricultural　products　to　the　foreigner；　it　would



have　to　sacrifice　its　own　manufacturing　industry　which　has　in　the



meanwhile　been　created；　the　manufacturing　nation　will　feel　that　a



portion　of　its　home　agricultural　production；　which　has　been　formed



during　the　war；　would　again　be　destroyed　by　free　importation。　Both；



therefore；　try　to　protect　these　interests　by　means　of　imposing



duties　on　imports。　This　is　the　history　of　commercial　politics



during　the　last　fifty　years。



　　　　It　is　war　that　has　called　into　existence　the　more　recent



systems　of　protection；　and　we　do　not　hesitate　to　assert；　that　it



would　have　been　to　the　interest　of　the　manufacturing　nations　of　the



second　and　third　rank　to　retain　a　protective　policy　and　further



develop　it；　even　if　England　after　the　conclusion　of　peace　had　not



committed　the　monstrous　mistake　of　imposing　restrictions　on　the



importation　of　necessaries　of　life　and　of　raw　materials；　and



consequently　of　allowing　the　motives　which　had　led　to　the　system　of



protection　in　the　time　of　the　war；　to　continue　during　peace。　As　an



uncivilised　nation；　having　a　barbarous　system　of　agriculture；　can



make　progress　only　by　commerce　with　civilised　manufacturing



nations；　so　after　it　has　attained　to　a　certain　degree　of　culture；



in　no　other　way　can　it　reach　the　highest　grade　of　prosperity；



civilisation；　and　power；　than　by　possessing　a　manufacturing



industry　of　its　own。　A　war　which　leads　to　the　change　of　the　purely



agricultural　State　into　an　agricultural…manufacturing　State　is



therefore　a　blessing　to　a　nation；　just　as　the　War　of　Independence



of　the　United　States　of　North　America；　in　spite　of　the　enormous



sacrifices　which　it　required；　has　become　a　blessing　to　all　future



generations。　But　a　peace　which　throws　back　into　a　purely



agricultural　condition　a　nation　which　is　fitted　to　develop　a



manufacturing　power　of　its　own；　becomes　a　curse　to　it；　and　is



incomparably　more　injurious　to　it　than　a　war。



　　　　It　is　fortunate　for　the　manufacturing　powers　of　the　second　and



third　rank；　that　England　after　the　restoration　of　the　general　peace



has　herself　imposed　a　limit　to　her　main　tendency　（of　monopolising



the　manufacturing　market　of　the　whole　earth）；　by　imposing



restrictions　on　the　importation　of　foreign　means　of　subsistence　and



raw　materials。　Certainly　the　English　agriculturists；　who　had



enjoyed　a　monopoly　of　supplying　the　English　market　with　products



during　the　war；　would　of　course　have　painfully　felt　the　foreign



competition；　but　that　only　at　first；　at　a　later　period　（as　we　will



show　more　particularly　elsewhere）；　these　losses　would　have　been



made　up　to　them　tenfold　by　the　fact　that　England　had　obtained　a



monopoly　of　manufacturing　for　the　whole　world。　But　it　would　have



been　still　more　injudicious　if　the　manufacturing　nations　of　the



second　and　third　rank；　after　their　own　manufacturing　power　had　just



been　called　into　existence；　in　consequence　of　wars　lasting　for



twenty…five　years；　and　after　（in　consequence　of　twenty…five　years'



exclusion　of　their　agricultural　products　from　the　English　market）



that　power　has　been　strengthened　so　far　that　possibly　it　only



required　another　ten　or　fifteen　years　of　strict　protection　in　order



to　sustain　successfully　free　competition　with　English　manufactures



　if　（we　say）　these　nations；　after　having　endured　the　sacrifices



of　half　a　century；　were　to　give　up　the　immense　advantages　of



possessing　a　manufacturing　power　of　their　own；　and　were　to　descend



once　more　from　the　high　state　of　culture；　prosperity；　and



independence；　which　is　peculiar　to　agricultural…manufacturing



countries；　to　the　low　position　of　dependent　agricultural　nations；



merely　because　it　now　pleases　the　English　nation　to　perceive　its



error　and　the　closely　impending　advances　of　the　Continental　nations



which　enter　into　competition　with　it。



　　　　Supposing　also　that　the　manufacturing　interest　of　England



should　obtain　sufficient　influence　to　force　the　House　of　Lords；



which　chiefly　consists　of　large　landed　proprietors；　and　the　House



of　Commons；　composed　mostly　of　country　squires；　to　make　concessions



in　respect　of　the　importation　of　agricultural　products；　who　would



guarantee　that　after　a　lapse　of　a　few　years　a　new　Tory　ministry



would　not　under　different　circumstances　again　pass　a　new　Corn　Law？



Who　can　guarantee　that　a　new　naval　war　or　a　new　Continental　system



may　not　separate　the　agriculturists　of　the　Continent　from　the



manufacturers　of　the　island　kingdom；　and　compel　the　Continental



nations　to　recommence　their　manufacturing　career；　and　to　spend



their　best　energies　in　overcoming　its　primary　difficulties；　merely



in　order；　at　a　later　period　to　sacrifice　everything　again　at　the



conclusion　of　peace。



　　　　In　this　manner　the　school　would　condemn　the　Continental　nations



for　ever　to　be　rolling　the　stone　of　Sisyphus；　for　ever　to　erect



manufactories　in　time　of　war　in　order　to　allow　them　to　fall　to　ruin



in　time　of　peace。



　　　　To　results　so　absurd　as　these　the　school　could　never　have



arrived　had　it　not　（in　spite　of　the　name　which　it　gives　to　the



science　which　it　professes）　completely　excluded　politics　from　that



science；　had　it　not　completely　ignored　the　very　existence　of



nationality；　and　left　entirely　out　of　consideration　the　effects　of



war　on　the　commercial　intercourse　between　separate　nations。



　　　　How　utterly