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to　out　of　regard　to　her　own　interests；　adopts　similarly　restrictive



measures；　and　if　we　consider　that　France　is　not　merely　an



agricultural；　but　also　a　manufacturing　State。　Germany　will；　namely；



not　merely　impose　higher　duties　on　French　wines；　but　on　all　those



French　products　which　Germany　either　produces　herself；　or　can　more



or　less　do　without；　or　procure　elsewhere；　she　will　further　restrict



the　importation　of　those　manufactured　goods　which　she　cannot　at



present　produce　with　special　benefit；　but　which　she　can　procure



from　other　places　than　from　France。　The　disadvantage　which　France



has　brought　upon　herself　by　those　restrictions；　thus　appears　twice



or　three　times　greater　than　the　advantage。　It　is　evident　that　in



France　only　so　many　persons　can　be　employed　in　the　cultivation　of



the　vine；　in　the　cultivation　of　olives；　and　in　manufacturing



industry；　as　the　means　of　subsistence；　and　raw　materials　which



France　either　produces　herself　or　procures　from　abroad；　are　able　to



support　and　employ。　But　we　have　seen　that　the　restriction　of



importation　has　not　increased　the　agricultural　production；　but　has



merely　transferred　it　from　one　district　to　another。　If　free　course



had　been　permitted　to　the　interchange　of　products；　the　importation



of　products　and　raw　materials；　and　consequently　the　sale　of　wine；



oil；　and　manufactured　goods；　would　have　continually　increased；　and



consequently　the　number　of　persons　employed　in　the　cultivation　of



the　vine　and　olives；　and　in　manufactures；　while　with　the　increasing



traffic；　on　the　one　hand；　the　means　of　subsistence　and　raw



materials；　and；　on　the　other　hand；　the　demand　for　her　manufactured



products；　would　have　augmented。　The　augmentation　of　this　population



would　have　produced　a　larger　demand　for　those　provisions　and　raw



materials　which　cannot　easily　be　imported　from　abroad；　and　for



which　the　native　agriculture　possesses　a　natural　monopoly；　the



native　agriculture　therefore　would　thus　have　obtained　a　far　greater



profit。　The　demand　for　those　agricultural　products　for　which　the



character　of　the　French　soil　is　specially　adapted；　would　be　much



more　considerable　under　this　free　interchange　than　that　produced



artificially　by　restriction。　One　agriculturist　would　not　have　lost



what　another　gained；　the　whole　agriculture　of　the　country　would



have　gained；　but　still　more　the　manufacturing　industry。　Through



restriction；　the　agricultural　power　of　the　country　therefore　is　not



increased；　but　limited；　and　besides　this；　that　manufacturing　power



is　annihilated　which　would　have　grown　up　from　the　augmentation　of



the　internal　agriculture；　as　well　as　from　the　foreign　importation



of　provisions　and　raw　materials。　All　that　has　been　attained　through



the　restriction　is　an　increase　of　prices　in　favour　of　the



agriculturists　of　one　district　at　the　expense　of　the　agriculturists



of　another　district；　but　above　all；　at　the　expense　of　the　total



productive　force　of　the　country。



　　　　The　disadvantages　of　such　restrictions　on　the　interchange　of



products　are　still　more　clearly　brought　to　light　in　the　case　of



England　than　in　that　of　France。　Through　the　corn　laws；　on　doubt；　a



quantity　of　unfertile　land　is　brought　under　cultivation；　but　it　is



a　question　whether　these　lands　would　not　have　been　brought　under



cultivation　without　them。　The　more　wool；　timber；　cattle；　and　corn



that　England　would　have　imported；　the　more　manufactured　goods　would



she　have　sold；　the　greater　number　of　workmen　would　have　been



enabled　to　live　in　England；　the　higher　would　the　prosperity　of　the



working　classes　have　risen。　England　would　probably　have　doubled　the



number　of　her　workmen。　Every　single　workman　would　have　lived



better；　would　have　been　better　able　to　cultivate　a　garden　for　his



pleasure　and　for　the　production　of　useful　vegetables；　and　would



have　supported　himself　and　his　family　much　better。　It　is　evident



that　such　a　large　augmentation　of　the　working　population；　as　well



as　of　its　prosperity　and　of　the　amount　of　what　it　consumed；　would



have　produced　an　enormous　demand　for　those　products　for　which　the



island　possesses　a　natural　monopoly；　and　it　is　more　than　probable



that　thereby　double　and　three　times　as　much　land　could　have　been



brought　into　cultivation　than　by　unnatural　restrictions。　The　proof



of　this　may　be　seen　in　the　vicinity　of　every　large　town。　However



large　the　mass　of　products　may　be　which　is　brought　into　this　town



from　distant　districts　for　miles　around　it；　one　cannot　discover　a



single　tract　of　land　uncultivated；　however　much　that　land　may　have



been　neglected　by　nature。　If　you　forbid　the　importation　into　such



a　town　of　corn　from　distant　districts；　you　thereby　merely　effect　a



diminution　of　its　population；　of　its　manufacturing　industry；　and



its　prosperity；　and　compel　the　farmer　who　lives　near　the　town　to



devote　himself　to　less　profitable　culture。



　　　　It　will　be　perceived　that　thus　far　we　are　quite　in　accord　with



the　prevailing　theory。　With　regard　to　the　interchange　of　raw



products；　the　school　is　perfectly　correct　in　supposing　that　the



most　extensive　liberty　of　commerce　is；　under　all　circumstances；



most　advantageous　to　the　individual　as　well　as　to　the　entire　State。



One　can；　indeed；　augment　this　production　by　restrictions；　but　the



advantage　obtained　thereby　is　merely　apparent。　We　only　thereby



divert；　as　the　school　says；　capital　and　labour　into　another　and



less　useful　channel。　But　the　manufacturing　productive　power；　on　the



contrary；　is　governed　by　other　laws；　which　have；　unfortunately；



entirely　escaped　the　observation　of　the　school。



　　　　If　restriction　on　the　importation　of　raw　products　hinder　（as　we



have　seen）　the　utilisation　of　the　natural　resources　and　powers　of



a　State；　restrictions　on　the　importation　of　manufactured　goods；　on



the　contrary；　call　into　life　and　activity　（in　the　case　of　a



populous　country　already　far　advanced　in　agriculture　and



civilisation）　a　mass　of　natural　powers；　indeed；　without　doubt；　the



greater　half　of　all　natural　powers；　which　in　the　merely



agricultural　State　lie　idle　and　dead　for　ever。　If；　on　the　one　hand；



restrictions　on　the　importation　of　raw　products　are　a　hindrance　to



the　development　not　only　of　the　manufacturing；　but　also　of　the



agricultural　productive；　powers　of　a　State；　on　the　other　hand；　an



internal　manufacturing　productive　power　produced　by　restrictions　on



the　importation　of　foreign　manufactures；　stimulates　the　whole



agricultural　productive　powers　of　a　State　to　a　degree　which　the



most　flourishing　foreign　trade　is　never　able　to　do。　If　the



importation　of　raw　products　makes　the　foreign　country　dependent　on



us　and　takes　from　it　the　means　of　manufacturing　for　itself；　so　in



like　manner；　by　the　importation　of　foreign　manufactures；　are　we



rendered　dependent　on　the　foreign　country；　and　the　means　are　taken



from　us　of　manufacturing　for　ourselves。　If　the　importation　of



products　and　raw　materials　withdraws　from　the　foreign　country　the



material　for　the　employment　and　support　of　its　population　and



diverts　it　to　our　nation；　so　does　the　importation　of　manufactured



fabrics　take　from　us　the　opportunity　of　increasing　our　own



population　and　of　providing　it　with　employment。　If　the　importation



of　natural　products　and　raw　materials　increases　the　influence　of



our　nation　on　the　affairs　of　the　world　and　gives　us　the　means　of



carrying　on　commerce　with　all　other　nations　and　countries；　so　by



the　importation　of　manufactured　fabrics　are　we　chained　to　the　most



advanced　manufacturing　nation；　which　can　rule　over　us　almost　as　it



pleases；　as　England　rules　over　Portugal。　In　short；　history　and



statistics　alike　prove　the　correctness　of　the　dictum　expressed　by



the　ministers　of　George　I：　that　nations　are　richer　and　more



powerful　the　more　they　export　manufactured　goods；　and　import　the



means　of　subsistence　and　raw　materials。　In　fact；　it　may　be　proved



that　entire　nations　have　been　ruined　merely　because　they　have



exported　only　means　of　subsistence　and　raw　materials；　and　have



imported　only　manufactured　goods。　Montesquieu；（1*）　who　understood



better　than　anyone　either　before　or　after　him　how　to　learn　from



History　the　lessons　which　she　imparts　to　the　legislator　and



politician；　has　well　perceived　this；　although　it　was　impossible　for



him　in　his　times；　when　political　economy　was　as　yet　but　little



studied；　clearly　to　unfold　the　causes　of　it。　In　contradiction　to



the　groundless　system　of　the　physiocratic　school；　he　maintained



that　Poland　would　be　more　prosperous　if　she　gave　up　altogether



foreign　commerce；　i。e。　if　she　established　a　manufacturing　power　of



her　own；　and　worked　up　and　consumed　her　own　raw　materials　and　means



of　subsistence。　Only　by　the　development　of　an　internal



manufacturing　power；　by　free；　populous；　and　industrious　cities；



could　Poland　obtain　a　strong　internal　organisation；　national



industry；　liberty；　and　wealth；　only　thus　could　she　maintain　her



independence　and　political　superiority　over　less　cultivated



neighbours。　Instead　of　foreign　manufactured　goods　she　should　have



introduced　（as　England　did　at　one　time；　when　she　was　on　the　same



footing　as　regards　culture　with　Poland）　foreign　manufacturers　and



foreign　manufacturing　capital。　Her　aristocracy；　however；　preferred



to　export　the　paltry　fruits　of　serf　labour　to　foreign　markets；　and



to　obtain　in　return　the　cheap　and　fine　goods　made　by　foreign



countries。　Their　successors　now　may　answer　the　question：　whether　it



is　advisable　for　a　nation　to　buy　the　fabrics　of　a　foreign　country



so　long　as　its　own　native　manufactures　are　not　yet　sufficiently



strengthened　to　be　able　to　compete　in　prices　and　quality　with　the



foreigner。　The　aristocracy　of　other　countries　may　bear　her　fate　in



mind　whenever　they　are　instigated　by　feudal　inclinations；　they　may



then　cast　a　glance　at　the　English　aristocracy　in　order　to　inform



themselves　as　to　what　is　the　value　to　the　great　landed　proprietors



of　a　strengthened　manufacturing　power；　of　free　municipal



institutions；　and　of　wealthy　towns。



　　　　Without　here　entering　on　an　inquiry　whether　it　would　have　been



possible　for　the　elective　kings　of　Poland；　under　the　circumstances



under　which　they　were　placed；　to　introduce　such　a　commercial　system



as　the　hereditary　kings　of　England　have　gradually　developed　and



established；　let　us　imagine　that　it　had　been　done　by　them：　can　we



not　perceive　what　rich　fruits　such　a　system　would　have　yielded　to



the　Polish　natio