the writings-2-第13章

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declare　that　war　had　existed　by　the　act　of　Mexico。　　Is　it

possible　you　don't　understand　that　yet？　　You　have　at　least　twenty

speeches　in　your　possession　that　fully　explain　it。　　I　will；

however；　try　it　once　more。　　The　news　reached　Washington　of　the

commencement　of　hostilities　on　the　Rio　Grande；　and　of　the　great

peril　of　General　Taylor's　army。　　Everybody；　Whigs　and　Democrats；

was　for　sending　them　aid；　in　men　and　money。　　It　was　necessary　to

pass　a　bill　for　this。　　The　Locos　had　a　majority　in　both　houses；

and　they　brought　in　a　bill　with　a　preamble　saying：　Whereas；　War

exists　by　the　act　of　Mexico；　therefore　we　send　General　Taylor

money。　　The　Whigs　moved　to　strike　out　the　preamble；　so　that　they

could　vote　to　send　the　men　and　money；　without　saying　anything

about　how　the　war　commenced；　but　being　in　the　minority；　they　were

voted　down；　and　the　preamble　was　retained。　　Then；　on　the　passage

of　the　bill；　the　question　came　upon　them；　Shall　we　vote　for

preamble　and　bill　together；　or　against　both　together？　　They　did

not　want　to　vote　against　sending　help　to　General　Taylor；　and

therefore　they　voted　for　both　together。　　Is　there　any　difficulty

in　understanding　this？　　Even　my　little　speech　shows　how　this　was；

and　if　you　will　go　to　the　library；　you　may　get　the　Journal　of

1845…46；　in　which　you　will　find　the　whole　for　yourself。



We　have　nothing　published　yet　with　special　reference　to　the

Taylor　race；　but　we　soon　will　have；　and　then　I　will　send　them　to

everybody。　　I　made　an　internal…improvement　speech　day　before

yesterday；　which　I　shall　send　home　as　soon　as　I　can　get　it

written　out　and　printed；and　which　I　suppose　nobody　will　read。



Your　friend　as　ever；



A。　LINCOLN。









SALARY　OF　JUDGE　IN　WESTERN　VIRGINIA



REMARKS　IN　THE　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES；

JUNE　28；　1848。





Discussion　as　to　salary　of　judge　of　western　Virginia：Wishing　to

increase　it　from　1800　to　2500。



Mr。　Lincoln　said　he　felt　unwilling　to　be　either　unjust　or

ungenerous；　and　he　wanted　to　understand　the　real　case　of　this

judicial　officer。　　The　gentleman　from　Virginia　had　stated　that　he

had　to　hold　eleven　courts。　　Now　everybody　knew　that　it　was　not

the　habit　of　the　district　judges　of　the　United　States　in　other

States　to　hold　anything　like　that　number　of　courts；　and　he

therefore　took　it　for　granted　that　this　must　happen　under　a

peculiar　law　which　required　that　large　number　of　courts　to　be

holden　every　year；　and　these　laws；　he　further　supposed；　were

passed　at　the　request　of　the　people　of　that　judicial　district。

It　came；　then；　to　this：　that　the　people　in　the　western　district

of　Virginia　had　got　eleven　courts　to　be　held　among　them　in　one

year；　for　their　own　accommodation；　and　being　thus　better

accommodated　than　neighbors　elsewhere；　they　wanted　their　judge　to

be　a　little　better　paid。　　In　Illinois　there　had　been　until　the

present　season　but　one　district　court　held　in　the　year。　　There

were　now　to　be　two。　　Could　it　be　that　the　western　district　of

Virginia　furnished　more　business　for　a　judge　than　the　whole　State

of　Illinois？









NATIONAL　BANK



JULY；　1848；



＇FRAGMENT＇



The　question　of　a　national　bank　is　at　rest。　　Were　I　President；　I

should　not　urge　its　reagitation　upon　Congress；　but　should

Congress　see　fit　to　pass　an　act　to　establish　such　an　institution；

I　should　not　arrest　it　by　the　veto；　unless　I　should　consider　it

subject　to　some　constitutional　objection　from　which　I　believe　the

two　former　banks　to　have　been　free。









YOUNG　v。s。　OLDPOLITICAL　JEALOUSY



TO　W。　　H。　　HERNDON。



WASHINGTON；　July　10；　1848。



DEAR　WILLIAM：



Your　letter　covering　the　newspaper　slips　was　received　last　night。

The　subject　of　that　letter　is　exceedingly　painful　to　me；　and　I

cannot　but　think　there　is　some　mistake　in　your　impression　of　the

motives　of　the　old　men。　　I　suppose　I　am　now　one　of　the　old　men；

and　I　declare　on　my　veracity；　which　I　think　is　good　with　you；

that　nothing　could　afford　me　more　satisfaction　than　to　learn　that

you　and　others　of　my　young　friends　at　home　were　doing　battle　in

the　contest　and　endearing　themselves　to　the　people　and　taking　a

stand　far　above　any　I　have　ever　been　able　to　reach　in　their

admiration。　　I　cannot　conceive　that　other　men　feel　differently。

Of　course　I　cannot　demonstrate　what　I　say；　but　I　was　young　once；

and　I　am　sure　I　was　never　ungenerously　thrust　back。　　I　hardly

know　what　to　say。　　The　way　for　a　young　man　to　rise　is　to　improve

himself　every　way　he　can；　never　suspecting　that　anybody　wishes　to

hinder　him。　　Allow　me　to　assure　you　that　suspicion　and　jealousy

never　did　help　any　man　in　any　situation。　　There　may　sometimes　be

ungenerous　attempts　to　keep　a　young　man　down；　and　they　will

succeed；　too；　if　he　allows　his　mind　to　be　diverted　from　its　true

channel　to　brood　over　the　attempted　injury。　　Cast　about　and　see

if　this　feeling　has　not　injured　every　person　you　have　ever　known

to　fall　into　it。



Now；　in　what　I　have　said　I　am　sure　you　will　suspect　nothing　but

sincere　friendship。　　I　would　save　you　from　a　fatal　error。　　You

have　been　a　studious　young　man。　　You　are　far　better　informed　on

almost　all　subjects　than　I　ever　have　been。　　You　cannot　fail　in

any　laudable　object　unless　you　allow　your　mind　to　be　improperly

directed。　　I　have　some　the　advantage　of　you　in　the　world's

experience；　merely　by　being　older；　and　it　is　this　that　induces　me

to　advise。　　You　still　seem　to　be　a　little　mistaken　about　the

Congressional　Globe　and　Appendix。　　They　contain　all　of　the

speeches　that　are　published　in　any　way。　　My　speech　and　Dayton's

speech　which　you　say　you　got　in　pamphlet　form　are　both　word　for

word　in　the　Appendix。　　I　repeat　again；　all　are　there。



Your　friend；　as　ever；



A。　LINCOLN。









GENERAL　TAYLOR　AND　THE　VETO



SPEECH　IN　THE　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES；

JULY　27；　1848。



Mr。　SPEAKER；　our　Democratic　friends　seem　to　be　in　a　great

distress　because　they　think　our　candidate　for　the　Presidency

don't　suit　us。　　Most　of　them　cannot　find　out　that　General　Taylor

has　any　principles　at　all；　some；　however；　have　discovered　that　he

has　one；　but　that　one　is　entirely　wrong。　　This　one　principle　is

his　position　on　the　veto　power。　　The　gentleman　from　Tennessee

＇Mr。　Stanton＇　who　has　just　taken　his　seat；　indeed；　has　said　there

is　very　little；　if　any；　difference　on　this　question　between

General　Taylor　and　all　the　Presidents；　and　he　seems　to　think　it

sufficient　detraction　from　General　Taylor's　position　on　it　that

it　has　nothing　new　in　it。　　But　all　others　whom　I　have　heard　speak

assail　it　furiously。　　A　new　member　from　Kentucky　＇Mr。　Clark＇；　of

very　considerable　ability；　was　in　particular　concerned　about　it。

He　thought　it　altogether　novel　and　unprecedented　for　a　President

or　a　Presidential　candidate　to　think　of　approving　bills　whose

constitutionality　may　not　be　entirely　clear　to　his　own　mind。　　He

thinks　the　ark　of　our　safety　is　gone　unless　Presidents　shall

always　veto　such　bills　as　in　their　judgment　may　be　of　doubtful

constitutionality。　　However　clear　Congress　may　be　on　their

authority　to　pass　any　particular　act；　the　gentleman　from　Kentucky

thinks　the　President　must　veto　it　if　he　has　doubts　about　it。　　Now

I　have　neither　time　nor　inclination　to　argue　with　the　gentleman

on　the　veto　power　as　an　original　question；　but　I　wish　to　show

that　General　Taylor；　and　not　he；　agrees　with　the　earlier

statesmen　on　this　question。　　When　the　bill　chartering　the　first

Bank　of　the　United　States　passed　Congress；　its　constitutionality

was　questioned。　　Mr。　Madison；　then　in　the　House　of

Representatives；　as　well　as　others；　had　opposed　it　on　that

ground。　　General　Washington；　as　President；　was　called　on　to

approve　or　reject　it。　　He　sought　and　obtained　on　the

constitutionality　question　the　separate　written　opinions　of

Jefferson；　Hamilton；　and　Edmund　Randolph；they　then　being

respectively　Secretary　of　State；　Secretary　of　the　Treasury；　and

Attorney　general。　　Hamilton's　opinion　was　for　the　power；　while

Randolph's　and　Jefferson's　were　both　against　it。　　Mr。　Jefferson；

after　giving　his　opinion　deciding　only　against　the

constitutionality　of　the　bill；　closes　his　letter　with　the

paragraph　which　I　now　read：



〃It　must　be　admitted；　however；　that　unless　the　President's　mind；

on　a　view　of　everything　which　is　urged　for　and　against　this　bill；

is　tolerably　clear　that　it　is　unauthorized　by　the　Constitution；

if　the　pro　and　con　hang　so　even　as　to　balance　his　judgment；　a

just　respect　for　the　wisdom　of　the　legislature　would　naturally

decide　the　balance　in　favor　of　their　opinion。　　It　is　chiefly　for

cases　where　they　are　clearly　misled　by　error；　ambition；　or

interest；　that　the　Constitution　has　placed　a　check　in　the

negative　of　the　President。

〃THOMAS　JEFFERSON。

〃February　15；　1791。〃





General　Taylor's　opinion；　as　expressed　in　his　Allison　letter；　is

as　I　now　read：



〃The　power　given　by　the　veto　is　a　high　conservative　power；　but；

in　my　opinion；　should　never　be　exercised　except　in　cases　of　clear

violation　of　the　Constitution；　or　manifest　haste　and　want　of

consideration　by　Congress。〃



It　is　here　seen　that；　in　Mr。　Jefferson's　opinion；　if　on　the

constitutionality　of　any　given　bill　the　President　doubts；　he　is

not　to　veto　it；　as　the　gentleman　from　Kentucky　would　have　him　do；

but　is　to　defer　to　Congress　and　approve　it。　　And　if　we　compare

the　opinion　of　Jefferson　and　Taylor；　as　expressed　in　these

paragraphs；　we　shall　find　them　more　exactly　alike　than　we　can

often　find　any　two　expressions　having　any　literal　difference。

None　but　interested　faultfinders；　I　think；　can　discover　any

substantial　variation。



But　gentlemen　on　the　other　side　are　unanimously　agreed　that

General　Taylor　has　no　other　principles。　　They　are　in　utter

darkness　as　to　his　opinions　on　any　of　the　questions　of　policy

which　occupy　the　public　attention。　　But　is　there　any　doubt　as　to

what　he　will　do　on　the　prominent　questions　if　elected？　　　Not　the

least。　　It　is　not　possible　to　know　what　he　will　or　would　do　in

every　imaginable　case；　because　many　questions　have　passed　away；

and　others　doubtless　will　arise　which　none　of　us　have　yet　thought

of；　but　on　the　prominent　questions　of　currency；　tariff；　internal

improvements；　and　Wilmot　Proviso；　General　Taylor's　course　is　at

least　as　well　defined　as　is　General　Cass's。　　Why；　in　their

eagerness　to　get　at　General　Taylor；　several　Democratic　members

here　have　desired　to　know　whether；　in　case　of　his　election；　a

bankrupt　law　is　to　be　established。　　Can　they　tell　us　General

Cass's　opinion　on　this　question？



＇Some　member　answered；　〃He　is　against　it。〃＇



Aye；　how　do　you　know　he　is？　　There　is　nothing　about　it　in　the

platform；　nor　elsewhere；　that　I　have　seen。　　If　the　gentleman

knows　of　anything　which　I　do　not　know　he　can　show　it。　　But　to

return。　　General　Taylor；　in　his　Allison　letter；　says：



〃Upon　the　subject　of　the　tariff；　the　currency；　the　improvement　of

our　great　highways；　rivers；　lak