the writings-2-第24章

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last　half　century；　the　wisdom　of　his　course　on　many　is　doubted

and　denied　by　a　large　portion　of　his　countrymen；　and　of　such　it

is　not　now　proper　to　speak　particularly。　　But　there　are　many

others；　about　his　course　upon　which　there　is　little　or　no

disagreement　amongst　intelligent　and　patriotic　Americans。　　Of

these　last　are　the　War　of　1812；　the　Missouri　question；

nullification；　and　the　now　recent　compromise　measures。　　In　1812

Mr。　Clay；　though　not　unknown；　was　still　a　young　man。　　Whether　we

should　go　to　war　with　Great　Britain　being　the　question　of　the

day；　a　minority　opposed　the　declaration　of　war　by　Congress；　while

the　majority；　though　apparently　inclined　to　war；　had　for　years

wavered；　and　hesitated　to　act　decisively。　　Meanwhile　British

aggressions　multiplied；　and　grew　more　daring　and　aggravated。　　By

Mr。　Clay　more　than　any　other　man　the　struggle　was　brought　to　a

decision　in　Congress。　　The　question；　being　now　fully　before

Congress；　came　up　in　a　variety　of　ways　in　rapid　succession；　on

most　of　which　occasions　Mr。　Clay　spoke。　　Adding　to　all　the　logic

of　which　the　subject　was　susceptible　that　noble　inspiration　which

came　to　him　as　it　came　to　no　other；　he　aroused　and　nerved　and

inspired　his　friends；　and　confounded　and　bore　down　all

opposition。　　Several　of　his　speeches　on　these　occasions　were

reported　and　are　still　extant；　but　the　best　of　them　all　never

was。　　During　its　delivery　the　reporters　forgot　their　vocation；

dropped　their　pens；　and　sat　enchanted　from　near　the　beginning　to

quite　the　close。　　The　speech　now　lives　only　in　the　memory　of　a

few　old　men；　and　the　enthusiasm　with　which　they　cherish　their

recollection　of　it　is　absolutely　astonishing。　　The　precise

language　of　this　speech　we　shall　never　know；　but　we　do　know　we

cannot　help　knowingthat　with　deep　pathos　it　pleaded　the　cause

of　the　injured　sailor；　that　it　invoked　the　genius　of　the

Revolution；　that　it　apostrophized　the　names　of　Otis；　of　Henry；

and　of　Washington；　that　it　appealed　to　the　interests；　the　pride；

the　honor；　and　the　glory　of　the　nation；　that　it　shamed　and

taunted　the　timidity　of　friends；　that　it　scorned　and　scouted　and

withered　the　temerity　of　domestic　foes；　that　it　bearded　and

defied　the　British　lion；　and；　rising　and　swelling　and　maddening

in　its　course；　it　sounded　the　onset；　till　the　charge；　the　shock；

the　steady　struggle；　and　the　glorious　victory　all　passed　in　vivid

review　before　the　entranced　hearers。



Important　and　exciting　as　was　the　war　question　of　1812；　it　never

so　alarmed　the　sagacious　statesmen　of　the　country　for　the　safety

of　the　Republic　as　afterward　did　the　Missouri　question。　　This

sprang　from　that　unfortunate　source　of　discordnegro　slavery。

When　our　Federal　Constitution　was　adopted；　we　owned　no　territory

beyond　the　limits　or　ownership　of　the　States；　except　the

territory　northwest　of　the　River　Ohio　and　east　of　the

Mississippi。　　What　has　since　been　formed　into　the　States　of

Maine；　Kentucky　and　Tennessee；　was；　I　believe；　within　the　limits

of　or　owned　by　Massachusetts；　Virginia；　and　North　Carolina。　　As

to　the　Northwestern　Territory；　provision　had　been　made　even

before　the　adoption　of　the　Constitution　that　slavery　should　never

go　there。　　On　the　admission　of　States　into　the　Union；　carved　from

the　territory　we　owned　before　the　Constitution；　no　question；　or

at　most　no　considerable　question；　arose　about　slaverythose

which　were　within　the　limits　of　or　owned　by　the　old　States

following　respectively　the　condition　of　the　parent　State；　and

those　within　the　Northwest　Territory　following　the　previously

made　provision。　　But　in　1803　we　purchased　Louisiana　of　the

French；　and　it　included　with　much　more　what　has　since　been　formed

into　the　State　of　Missouri。　　With　regard　to　it；　nothing　had　been

done　to　forestall　the　question　of　slavery。　　When；　therefore；　in

1819；　Missouri；　having　formed　a　State　constitution　without

excluding　slavery；　and　with　slavery　already　actually　existing

within　its　limits；　knocked　at　the　door　of　the　Union　for

admission；　almost　the　entire　representation　of　the　non…

slaveholding　States　objected。　　A　fearful　and　angry　struggle

instantly　followed。　　This　alarmed　thinking　men　more　than　any

previous　question；　because；　unlike　all　the　former；　it　divided　the

country　by　geographical　lines。　　Other　questions　had　their

opposing　partisans　in　all　localities　of　the　country　and　in　almost

every　family；　so　that　no　division　of　the　Union　could　follow　such

without　a　separation　of　friends　to　quite　as　great　an　extent　as

that　of　opponents。　　Not　so　with　the　Missouri　question。　　On　this　a

geographical　line　could　be　traced；　which　in　the　main　would

separate　opponents　only。　　This　was　the　danger。　　Mr。　Jefferson；

then　in　retirement；　wrote：



〃I　had　for　a　long　time　ceased　to　read　newspapers　or　to　pay　any

attention　to　public　affairs；　confident　they　were　in　good　hands

and　content　to　be　a　passenger　in　our　bark　to　the　shore　from　which

I　am　not　distant。　　But　this　momentous　question；　like　a　firebell

in　the　night；　awakened　and　filled　me　with　terror。　　I　considered

it　at　once　as　the　knell　of　the　Union。　　It　is　hushed；　indeed；　for

the　moment。　　But　this　is　a　reprieve　only；　not　a　final　sentence。

A　geographical　line　coinciding　with　a　marked　principle；　moral　and

political；　once　conceived　and　held　up　to　the　angry　passions　of

men；　will　never　be　obliterated；　and　every　irritation　will　mark　it

deeper　and　deeper。　　I　can　say　with　conscious　truth　that　there　is

not　a　man　on　earth　who　would　sacrifice　more　than　I　would　to

relieve　us　from　this　heavy　reproach　in　any　practicable　way。



〃The　cession　of　that　kind　of　propertyfor　it　is　so　misnamedis

a　bagatelle　which　would　not　cost　me　a　second　thought　if　in　that

way　a　general　emancipation　and　expatriation　could　be　effected；

and　gradually　and　with　due　sacrifices　I　think　it　might　be。　　But

as　it　is；　we　have　the　wolf　by　the　ears；　and　we　can　neither　hold

him　nor　safely　let　him　go。　　Justice　is　in　one　scale；　and　self…

preservation　in　the　other。〃



Mr。　Clay　was　in　Congress；　and；　perceiving　the　danger；　at　once

engaged　his　whole　energies　to　avert　it。　　It　began；　as　I　have

said；　in　1819　；　and　it　did　not　terminate　till　1821。　　Missouri

would　not　yield　the　point；　and　Congress　that　is；　a　majority　in

Congressby　repeated　votes　showed　a　determination　not　to　admit

the　State　unless　it　should　yield。　　After　several　failures；　and

great　labor　on　the　part　of　Mr。　Clay　to　so　present　the　question

that　a　majority　could　consent　to　the　admission；　it　was　by　a　vote

rejected；　and；　as　all　seemed　to　think；　finally。　　A　sullen　gloom

hung　over　the　nation。　　All　felt　that　the　rejection　of　Missouri

was　equivalent　to　a　dissolution　of　the　Union；　because　those

States　which　already　had　what　Missouri　was　rejected　for　refusing

to　relinquish　would　go　with　Missouri。　　All　deprecated　and

deplored　this；　but　none　saw　how　to　avert　it。　　For　the　judgment　of

members　to　be　convinced　of　the　necessity　of　yielding　was　not　the

whole　difficulty；　each　had　a　constituency　to　meet　and　to　answer

to。　　Mr。　Clay；　though　worn　down　and　exhausted；　was　appealed　to　by

members　to　renew　his　efforts　at　compromise。　　He　did　so；　and　by

some　judicious　modifications　of　his　plan；　coupled　with　laborious

efforts　with　individual　members　and　his　own　overmastering

eloquence　upon　that　floor；　he　finally　secured　the　admission　of

the　State。　　Brightly　and　captivating　as　it　had　previously　shown；

it　was　now　perceived　that　his　great　eloquence　was　a　mere

embellishment；　or　at　most　but　a　helping　hand　to　his　inventive

genius　and　his　devotion　to　his　country　in　the　day　of　her　extreme

peril。



After　the　settlement　of　the　Missouri　question；　although　a　portion

of　the　American　people　have　differed　with　Mr。　Clay；　and　a

majority　even　appear　generally　to　have　been　opposed　to　him　on

questions　of　ordinary　administration；　he　seems　constantly　to　have

been　regarded　by　all　as　the　man　for　the　crisis。　　Accordingly；　in

the　days　of　nullification；　and　more　recently　in　the　reappearance

of　the　slavery　question　connected　with　our　territory　newly

acquired　of　Mexico；　the　task　of　devising　a　mode　of　adjustment

seems　to　have　been　cast　upon　Mr。　Clay　by　common　consentand　his

performance　of　the　task　in　each　case　was　little　else　than　a

literal　fulfilment　of　the　public　expectation。



Mr。　Clay's　efforts　in　behalf　of　the　South　Americans；　and

afterward　in　behalf　of　the　Greeks；　in　the　times　of　their

respective　struggles　for　civil　liberty；　are　among　the　finest　on

record；　upon　the　noblest　of　all　themes；　and　bear　ample

corroboration　of　what　I　have　said　was　his　ruling　passiona　love

of　liberty　and　right；　unselfishly；　and　for　their　own　sakes。



Having　been　led　to　allude　to　domestic　slavery　so　frequently

already；　I　am　unwilling　to　close　without　referring　more

particularly　to　Mr。　Clay's　views　and　conduct　in　regard　to　it。　　He

ever　was　on　principle　and　in　feeling　opposed　to　slavery。　　The

very　earliest；　and　one　of　the　latest；　public　efforts　of　his　life；

separated　by　a　period　of　more　than　fifty　years；　were　both　made　in

favor　of　gradual　emancipation。　　He　did　not　perceive　that　on　a

question　of　human　right　the　negroes　were　to　be　excepted　from　the

human　race。　　And　yet　Mr。　Clay　was　the　owner　of　slaves。　　Cast　into

life　when　slavery　was　already　widely　spread　and　deeply　seated；　he

did　not　perceive；　as　I　think　no　wise　man　has　perceived；　how　it

could　be　at　once　eradicated　without　producing　a　greater　evil　even

to　the　cause　of　human　liberty　itself。　　His　feeling　and　his

judgment；　therefore；　ever　led　him　to　oppose　both　extremes　of

opinion　on　the　subject。　　Those　who　would　shiver　into　fragments

the　Union　of　these　States；　tear　to　tatters　its　now　venerated

Constitution；　and　even　burn　the　last　copy　of　the　Bible；　rather

than　slavery　should　continue　a　single　hour；　together　with　all

their　more　halting　sympathizers；　have　received；　and　are

receiving；　their　just　execration；　and　the　name　and　opinions　and

influence　of　Mr。　Clay　are　fully　and；　as　I　trust；　effectually　and

enduringly　arrayed　against　them。　　But　I　would　also；　if　I　could；

array　his　name；　opinions；　and　influence　against　the　opposite

extremeagainst　a　few　but　an　increasing　number　of　men　who；　for

the　sake　of　perpetuating　slavery；　are　beginning　to　assail　and　to

ridicule　the　white　man's　charter　of　freedom；　the　declaration　that

〃all　men　are　created　free　and　equal。〃　So　far　as　I　have　learned；

the　first　American　of　any　note　to　do　or　attempt　this　was　the　late

John　C。　　Calhoun；　and　if　I　mistake　not；　it　soon　after　found　its

way　into　some　of　the　messages　of　the　Governor　of　South　Carolina。

We；　however；　look　for　and　are　not　much　shocked　by　political

eccentricities　and　heresies　in　South　Carolina。　　But　only　last

year　I　saw　with　astonishment　what　purported　to　be　a　letter　of　a

very　distinguished　and　influential　clergyman　of　Virginia；　copied；

with　apparent　approbation；　into　a　St。　　Louis　newspaper；

containing　the　following　to　me　very　unsatisfactory　language：



〃I　am　fully　aware　that　there　is　a　text