the writings-2-第44章

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consent；　the　spread　of　the　black　man's　bondage　to　the　new

countries　was　prohibited；　but　now　Congress　decides　that　it　will

not　continue　the　prohibition；　and　the　Supreme　Court　decides　that

it　could　not　if　it　would。　　In　those　days　our　Declaration　of

Independence　was　held　sacred　by　all；　and　thought　to　include　all；

but　now；　to　aid　in　making　the　bondage　of　the　negro　universal　and

eternal；　it　is　assailed　and　sneered　at　and　construed　and　hawked

at　and　torn；　till；　if　its　framers　could　rise　from

their　graves；　they　could　not　at　all　recognize　it。　　All　the　powers

of　earth　seem　rapidly　combining　against　him。　　Mammon　is　after

him；　ambition　follows；　philosophy　follows；　and　the　theology　of

the　day　fast　joining　the　cry。　　They　have　him　in　his　prison　house；

they　have　searched　his　person；　and　left　no　prying　instrument　with

him。　　One　after　another　they　have　closed　the　heavy　iron　doors

upon　him；　and　now　they　have　him；　as　it　were；　bolted　in　with　a

lock　of　hundred　keys；　which　can　never　be　unlocked　without　the

concurrence　of　every　keythe　keys　in　the　hands　of　a　hundred

different　men；　and　they　scattered　to　hundred　different　and

distant　places；　and　they　stand　musing　as　to　what　invention；　in

all　the　dominions　of　mind　and　matter；　can　be　produced　to　make　the

impossibility　of　his　escape　more　complete　than　it　is。



It　is　grossly　incorrect　to　say　or　assume　that　the　public　estimate

of　the　negro　is　more　favorable　now　than　it　was　at　the　origin　of

the　government。



Three　years　and　a　half　ago；　Judge　Douglas　brought　forward　his

famous　Nebraska　Bill。　　The　country　was　at　once　in　a　blaze。　　He

scorned　all　opposition；　and　carried　it　through　Congress。　　Since

then　he　has　seen　himself　superseded　in　a　Presidential　nomination

by　one　indorsing　the　general　doctrine　of　his　measure；　but　at　the

same　time　standing　clear　of　the　odium　of　its　untimely　agitation

and　its　gross　breach　of　national　faith；　and　he　has　seen　that

successful　rival　constitutionally　elected；　not　by　the　strength　of

friends；　but　by　the　division　of　adversaries；　being　in　a　popular

minority　of　nearly　four　hundred　thousand　votes。　　He　has　seen　his

chief　aids　in　his　own　State；　Shields　and　Richardson；　politically

speaking；　successively　tried；　convicted；　and　executed　for　an

offence　not　their　own　but　his。　　And　now　he　sees　his　own　case

standing　next　on　the　docket　for　trial。



There　is　a　natural　disgust　in　the　minds　of　nearly　all　white

people　at　the　idea　of　an　indiscriminate　amalgamation　of　the　white

and　black　races；　and　Judge　Douglas　evidently　is　basing　his　chief

hope　upon　the　chances　of　his　being　able　to　appropriate　the

benefit　of　this　disgust　to　himself。　　If　he　can；　by　much　drumming

and　repeating；　fasten　the　odium　of　that　idea　upon　his

adversaries；　he　thinks　he　can　struggle　through　the　storm。　　He

therefore　clings　to　this　hope；　as　a　drowning　man　to　the　last

plank。　　He　makes　an　occasion　for　lugging　it　in　from　the

opposition　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision。　　He　finds　the　Republicans

insisting　that　the　Declaration　of　Independence　includes　all　men；

black　as　well　as　white；　and　forthwith　he　boldly　denies　that　it

includes　negroes　at　all；　and　proceeds　to　argue　gravely　that　all

who　contend　it　does；　do　so　only　because　they　want　to　vote；　and

eat；　and　sleep；　and　marry　with　negoes。　　He　will　have　it　that　they

cannot　be　consistent　else。　　Now　I　protest　against　the　counterfeit

logic　which　concludes　that；　because　I　do　not　want　a　black　woman

for　a　slave　I　must　necessarily　want　her　for　a　wife。　　I　need　not

have　her　for　either。　　I　can　just　leave　her　alone。　　In　some

respects　she　certainly　is　not　my　equal；　but　in　her　natural　right

to　eat　the　bread　she　earns　with　her　own　hands；　without　asking

leave　of　any　one　else；　she　is　my　equal　and　the　equal　of　all

others。



Chief　Justice　Taney；　in　his　opinion　in　the　Dred　Scott　case；

admits　that　the　language　of　the　Declaration　is　broad　enough　to

include　the　whole　human　family；　but　he　and　Judge　Douglas　argue

that　the　authors　of　that　instrument　did　not　intend　to　include

negroes；　by　the　fact　that　they　did　not　at　once　actually　place

them　on　an　equality　with　the　whites。　　Now　this　grave　argument

comes　to　just　nothing　at　all；　by　the　other　fact　that　they　did　not

at　once；　or　ever　afterward；　actually　place　all　white　people　on　an

equality　with　one　another。　　And　this　is　the　staple　argument　of

both　the　Chief　Justice　and　the　Senator　for　doing　this　obvious

violence　to　the　plain；　unmistakable　language　of　the　Declaration。



I　think　the　authors　of　that　notable　instrument　intended　to

include　all　men；　but　they　did　not　intend　to　declare　all　men　equal

in　all　respects。　　They　did　not　mean　to　say　all　were　equal　in

color；　size；　intellect；　moral　developments；　or　social　capacity。

They　defined　with　tolerable　distinctness　in　what　respects　they

did　consider　all　men　created　equalequal　with　〃certain

inalienable　rights；　among　which　are　life；　liberty；　and　the

pursuit　of　happiness。〃　This　they　said；　and　this　they　meant。　　They

did　not　mean　to　assert　the　obvious　untruth　that　all　were　then

actually　enjoying　that　equality；　nor　yet　that　they　were　about　to

confer　it　immediately　upon　them。　　In　fact；　they　had　no　power　to

confer　such　a　boon。　　They　meant　simply　to　declare　the　right；　so

that　enforcement　of　it　might　follow　as　fast　as　circumstances

should　permit。



They　meant　to　set　up　a　standard　maxim　for　free　society；　which

should　be　familiar　to　all；　and　revered　by　all；　constantly　looked

to；　constantly　labored　for；　and；　even　though　never　perfectly

attained；　constantly　approximated；　and　thereby　constantly

spreading　and　deepening　its　influence　and　augmenting　the

happiness　and　value　of　life　to　all　people　of　all　colors

everywhere。　　The　assertion　that　〃all　men　are　created　equal〃　was

of　no　practical　use　in　effecting　our　separation　from　Great

Britain；　and　it　was　placed　in　the　Declaration　not　for　that；　but

for　future　use。　　Its　authors　meant　it　to　beas　thank　God；　it　is

now　proving　itselfstumbling…block　to　all　those　who　in　after

times　might　seek　to　turn　a　free　people　back　into　the　hateful

paths　of　despotism。　　They　knew　the　proneness　of　prosperity　to

breed　tyrants；　and　they　meant　when　such　should　reappear　in　this

fair　land　and　commence　their　vocation；　they　should　find　left　for

them　at　least　one　hard　nut　to　crack。



I　have　now　briefly　expressed　my　view　of　the　meaning　and　object　of

that　part　of　the　Declaration　of　Independence　which　declares　that

〃all　men　are　created　equal。〃



Now　let　us　hear　Judge　Douglas's　view　of　the　same　subject；　as　I

find　it　in　the　printed　report　of　his　late　speech。　　Here　it　is：



〃No　man　can　vindicate　the　character；　motives；　and　conduct　of　the

signers　of　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　except　upon　the

hypothesis　that　they　referred　to　the　white　race　alone；　and　not　to

the　African；　when　they　declared　all　men　to　have　been　created

equal；　that　they　were　speaking　of　British　subjects　on　this

continent　being　equal　to　British　subjects　born　and　residing　in

Great　Britain；　that　they　were　entitled　to　the　same　inalienable

rights；　and　among　them　were　enumerated　life；　liberty；　and　the

pursuit　of　happiness。　　The　Declaration　was　adopted　for　the

purpose　of　justifying　the　colonists　in　the　eyes　of　the　civilized

world　in　withdrawing　their　allegiance　from　the　British　crown；　and

dissolving　their　connection　with　the　mother　country。〃



My　good　friends；　read　that　carefully　over　some　leisure　hour；　and

ponder　well　upon　it；　see　what　a　mere　wreckmangled　ruinit

makes　of　our　once　glorious　Declaration。



〃They　were　speaking　of　British　subjects　on　this　continent　being

equal　to　British　subjects　born　and　residing　in　Great　Britain〃！

Why；　according　to　this；　not　only　negroes　but　white　people　outside

of　Great　Britain　and　America　were　not　spoken　of　in　that

instrument。　　The　English；　Irish；　and　Scotch；　along　with　white

Americans；　were　included；　to　be　sure；　but　the　French；　Germans；

and　other　white　people　of　the　world　are　all　gone　to　pot　along

with　the　Judge's　inferior　races！



I　had　thought　the　Declaration　promised　something　better　than　the

condition　of　British　subjects；　but　no；　it　only　meant　that　we

should　be　equal　to　them　in　their　own　oppressed　and　unequal

condition。　　According　to　that；　it　gave　no　promise　that；　having

kicked　off　the　king　and　lords　of　Great　Britain；　we　should　not　at

once　be　saddled　with　a　king　and　lords　of　our　own。



I　had　thought　the　Declaration　contemplated　the　progressive

improvement　in　the　condition　of　all　men　everywhere；　but　no；　it

merely　〃was　adopted　for　the　purpose　of　justifying　the　colonists

in　the　eyes　of　the　civilized　world　in　withdrawing　their

allegiance　from　the　British　crown；　and　dissolving　their

connection　with　the　mother　country。〃　Why；　that　object　having　been

effected　some　eighty　years　ago；　the　Declaration　is　of　no

practical　use　nowmere　rubbishold　wadding　left　to　rot　on　the

battlefield　after　the　victory　is　won。



I　understand　you　are　preparing　to　celebrate　the　〃Fourth；〃　to…

morrow　week。　　What　for？　　The　doings　of　that　day　had　no　reference

to　the　present；　and　quite　half　of　you　are　not　even　descendants　of

those　who　were　referred　to　at　that　day。　　But　I　suppose　you　will

celebrate；　and　will　even　go　so　far　as　to　read　the　Declaration。

Suppose；　after　you　read　it　once　in　the　old…fashioned　way；　you

read　it　once　more　with　Judge　Douglas's　version。　　It　will　then　run

thus：



〃We　hold　these　truths　to　be　self…evident；　that　all　British

subjects　who　were　on　this　continent　eighty…one　years　ago　were

created　equal　to　all　British　subjects　born　and　then　residing　in

Great　Britain。〃



And　now　I　appeal　to　allto　Democrats　as　well　as　othersare　you

really　willing　that　the　Declaration　shall　thus　be　frittered　away

？thus　left　no　more；　at　most；　than　an　interesting　memorial　of

the　dead　past？thus　shorn　of　its　vitality　and　practical　value；

and　left　without　the　germ　or　even　the　suggestion　of　the

individual　rights　of　man　in　it？



But　Judge　Douglas　is　especially　horrified　at　the　thought　of　the

mixing　of　blood　by　the　white　and　black　races。　　Agreed　for　oncea

thousand　times　agreed。　　There　are　white　men　enough　to　marry　all

the　white　women　and　black　men　enough　to　many　all　the　black　women；

and　so　let　them　be　married。　　On　this　point　we　fully　agree　with

the　Judge；　and　when　he　shall　show　that　his　policy　is　better

adapted　to　prevent　amalgamation　than　ours；　we　shall　drop　ours　and

adopt　his。　　Let　us　see。　　In　1850　there　were　in　the　United　States

405；751　mulattoes。　　Very　few　of　these　are　the　offspring　of　whites

and　free　blacks；　nearly　all　have　sprung　from　black　slaves　and

white　masters。　　A　separation　of　the　races　is　the　only　perfect

preventive　of　amalgamation；　but　as　an　immediate　separation　is

impossible；　the　next　best　thing　is　to　keep　them　apart　where　they

are　not　already　together。　　If　white　and　black　people　never　get

together　in　Kansas；　they　will　never　mix　blood　in　Kansas。　　That　is

at　least　one　self…evident　truth。　　A　few　free　colored　persons　may

get　into　the　free　States；　in　an