the boss and the machine-第19章

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amount　of　legislation　concerning　the　nominating　machinery
prescribing　the　days　and　hours　for　holding　elections　of
delegates；　the　size　of　the　polling…place；　the　nature　of　the
ballotbox；　the　poll…list；　who　might　participate　in　the　choice　of
delegates；　how　the　returns　were　to　be　made；　and　so　on。　By　the
time；　then；　that　the　Australian　ballot　came；　with　its　profound
changes；　nearly　all　the　States　had　attempted　to　remove　the
glaring　abuses　of　the　nominating　system；　and　several　of　them
officially　recognized　the　direct　primary。　The　State　was　reluctant
to　abolish　the　convention　system　entirely；　and　the　Crawford
County　plan　long　remained　merely　optional。　But　in　1901　Minnesota
enacted　a　state…wide；　mandatory　primary　law。　Mississippi　followed
in　1902；　Wisconsin　in　1903；　and　Oregon　in　1904。　This　movement　has
swept　the　country。

Few　States　retain　the　nominating　convention；　and　where　it　remains
it　is　shackled　by　legal　restrictions。　The　boss；　however；　has
devised　adequate　means　for　controlling　primaries；　and　a　return　to
a　modified　convention　system　is　being　earnestly　discussed　in　many
States　to　circumvent　the　further　ingenuity　of　the　boss。　A　further
step　towards　the　state　control　of　parties　was　taken　when　laws
began　to　busy　themselves　with　the　conduct　of　the　campaign。
Corrupt　Practices　Acts　began　to　assume　bulk　in　the　early
nineties；　to　limit　the　expenditure　of　candidates；　and　to
enumerate　the　objects　for　which　campaign　committees　might
legitimately　spend　money。　These　are　usually　personal　traveling
expenses　of　the　candidates；　rental　of　rooms　for　committees　and
halls　for　meetings；　payment　of　musicians　and　speakers　and　their
traveling　expenses；　printing　campaign　material；　postage　for
distribution　of　letters；　newspapers　and　printed　matter；　telephone
and　telegraph　charges；　political　advertising；　employing
challengers　at　the　polls；　necessary　clerk　hire；　and　conveyances
for　bringing　aged　or　infirm　voters　to　the　polls。　The　maximum
amount　that　can　be　spent　by　candidates　is　fixed；　and　they　are
required　to　make　under　oath　a　detailed　statement　of　their
expenses　in　both　primary　and　general　elections。　The　various
committees；　also；　must　make　detailed　reports　of　the　funds　they
handle；　the　amount；　the　contributors；　and　the　expenditures。
Corporations　are　forbidden　to　contribute；　and　the　amount　that
candidates　themselves　may　give　is　limited　in　many　States。　These
exactions　are　reinforced　by　stringent　laws　against　bribery。
Persons　found　guilty　of　either　receiving　or　soliciting　a　bribe
are　generally　disfranchised　or　declared　ineligible　for　public
office　for　a　term　of　years。　Illinois；　for　the　second　offense；
forever　disfranchises。

It　is　not　surprising　that　these　restrictions　have　led　the　State
to　face　the　question　whether　it　should　not　itself　bear　some　of
the　expenses　of　the　campaign。　It　has；　of　course；　already　assumed
an　enormous　burden　formerly　borne　entirely　by　the　party。　The　cost
of　primary　and　general　elections　nowadays　is　tremendous。　A　few
Western　States　print　a　campaign　pamphlet　and　distribute　it　to
every　voter。　The　pamphlet　contains　usually　the　photographs　of　the
candidates；　a　brief　biography；　and　a　statement　of　principles。

These　are　the　principal　encroachments　made　by　the　Government　upon
the　autonomy　of　the　party。　The　details　are　endless。　The　election
laws　of　New　York　fill　330　printed　pages。　It　is　little　wonder　that
American　parties　are　beginning　to　study　the　organization　of
European　parties；　such　as　the　labor　parties　and　the　social
democratic　parties；　which　have　enlisted　a　rather　fervent　party
fealty。　These　are　propagandist　parties　and　require　to　be　active
all　the　year　round。　So　they　demand　annual　dues　of　their　members
and　have　permanent　salaried　officials　and　official　party　organs。
Such　a　permanent　organization　was　suggested　for　the　National
Progressive　party。　But　the　early　disintegration　of　the　party　made
impossible　what　would　have　been　an　interesting　experiment。　After
the　election　of　1916；　Governor　Whitman　of　New　York　suggested　that
the　Republican　party　choose　a　manager　and　pay　him　10；000　a　year
and　have　a　lien　on　all　his　time　and　energy。　The　plan　was　widely
discussed　and　its　severest　critics　were　the　politicians　who　would
suffer　from　it。　The　wide…spread　comment　with　which　it　was
received　revealed　the　change　that　has　come　over　the　popular　idea
of　a　political　party　since　the　State　began　forty　years　ago　to
bring　the　party　under　its　control。

But　flexibility　is　absolutely　essential　to　a　party　system　that
adequately　serves　a　growing　democracy。　And　under　a　two…party
system；　as　ours　is　probably　bound　to　remain；　the　independent
voter　usually　holds　the　balance　of　power。　He　may　be　merely　a
disgruntled　voter　seeking　for　revenge；　or　an　overpleased　voter
seeking　to　maintain　a　profitable　status　quo；　or　he　may　belong　to
that　class　of　super…citizens　from　which　mugwumps　arise。　In　any
case；　the　majorities　at　elections　are　usually　determined　by　him。
And　party　orthodoxy　made　by　the　State　is　almost　as　distasteful　to
him　as　the　rigor　of　the　boss。　He　relishes　neither　the　one　nor　the
other。

In　the　larger　cities　the　citizens'　tickets　and　fusion　movements
are　types　of　independent　activities。　In　some　cities　they　are
merely　temporary　associations；　formed　for　a　single；　thorough
housecleaning。　The　Philadelphia　Committee　of　One　Hundred；　which
was　organized　in　1880　to　fight　the　Gas　Ring；　is　an　example。　It
issued　a　Declaration　of　Principles；　demanding　the　promotion　of
public　service　rather　than　private　greed；　and　the　prosecution　of
〃those　who　have　been　guilty　of　election　frauds；　maladministration
of　office；　or　misappropriation　of　public　funds。〃　Announcing　that
it　would　endorse　only　candidates　who　signed　this　declaration；　the
committee　supported　the　Democratic　candidates；　and　nominated　for
Receiver　of　Taxes　a　candidate　of　its　own；　who　became　also　the
Democratic　nominee　when　the　regular　Democratic　candidate
withdrew。　Philadelphia　was　overwhelmingly　Republican。　But　the
committee's　aid　was　powerful　enough　to　elect　the　Democratic
candidate　for　mayor　by　6000　majority　and　the　independent
candidate　for　Receiver　of　Taxes　by　20；000。　This　gave　the
Committee　access　to　the　records　of　the　doings　of　the　Gas　Ring。　In
1884；　however；　the　candidate　which　it　endorsed　was　defeated；　and
it　disbanded。

Similar　in　experience　was　the　famous　New　York　Committee　of
Seventy；　organized　in　1894　after　Dr。　Parkhurst's　lurid
disclosures　of　police　connivance　with　every　degrading　vice。　A
call　was　issued　by　thirty…three　well…known　citizens　for　a
non…partizan　mass　meeting；　and　at　this　meeting　a　committee　of
seventy　was　appointed　〃with　full　power　to　confer　with　other
anti…Tammany　organizations；　and　to　take　such　actions　as　may　be
necessary　to　further　the　objects　of　this　meeting　as　set　forth　in
the　call　therefor；　and　the　address　adopted　by　this　meeting。〃　The
committee　adopted　a　platform；　appointed　an　executive　and　a
finance　committee；　and　nominated　a　full　ticket；　distributing　the
candidates　among　both　parties。　All　other　anti…Tammany
organizations　endorsed　this　ticket；　and　it　was　elected　by　large
majorities。　The　committee　dissolved　after　having　secured　certain
charter　amendments　for　the　city　and　seeing　its　roster　of　officers
inaugurated。

The　Municipal　Voters'　League　of　Chicago　is　an　important　example
of　the　permanent　type　of　citizens'　organization。　The　league　is
composed　of　voters　in　every　ward；　who；　acting　through　committees
and　alert　officers；　scrutinize　every　candidate　for　city　office
from　the　Mayor　down。　It　does　not　aim　to　nominate　a　ticket　of　its
own；　but　to　exercise　such　vigilance；　enforced　by　so　effective　an
organization　and　such　wide…reaching　publicity；　that　the　various
parties　will；　of　their　own　volition；　nominate　men　whom　the　league
can　endorse。　By　thus　putting　on　the　hydraulic　pressure　of
organized　public　opinion；　it　has　had　a　considerable　influence　on
the　parties　and　a　very　stimulating　effect　on　the　citizenry。

Finally；　there　has　developed　in　recent　years　the　fusion　movement；
whereby　the　opponents　of　boss　rule　in　all　parties　unite　and　back
an　independent　or　municipal　ticket。　The　election　of　Mayor　Mitchel
of　New　York　in　1913　was　thus　accomplished。　In　Milwaukee；　a　fusion
has　been　successful　against　the　Socialists。　And　in　many　lesser
cities　this　has　brought　at　least　temporary　relief　from　the
oppression　of　the　local　oligarchy。



CHAPTER　XI。　THE　EXPERT　AT　LAST

The　administrative　weakness　of　a　democracy；　namely；　the　tendency
towards　a　government　by　job…hunters；　was　disclosed　even　in　the
early　days　of　the　United　States；　when　the　official　machinery　was
simple　and　the　number　of　offices　few。　Washington　at　once　foresaw
both　the　difficulties　and　the　duties　that　the　appointing　power
imposed。　Soon　after　his　inauguration　he　wrote　to　Rutledge：　〃I
anticipate　that　one　of　the　most　difficult　and　delicate　parts　of
the　duty　of　any　office　will　be　that　which　relates　to　nominations
for　appointments。〃　And　he　was　most　scrupulous　and　painstaking　in
his　appointments。　Fitness　for　duty　was　paramount　with　him；　though
he　recognized　geographical　necessity　and　distributed　the　offices
with　that　precision　which　characterized　all　his　acts。

John　Adams　made　very　few　appointments。　After　his　term　had
expired；　he　wrote：　〃Washington　appointed　a　multitude　of　Democrats
and　Jacobins　of　the　deepest　die。　I　have　been　more　cautious　in
this　respect。〃

The　test　of　partizan　loyalty；　however；　was　not　applied　generally
until　after　the　election　of　Jefferson。　The　ludicrous
apprehensions　of　the　Federalists　as　to　what　would　follow　upon　his
election　were　not　allayed　by　his　declared　intentions。　〃I　have
given；〃　he　wrote　to　Monroe；　〃and　will　give　only　to　Republicans
under　existing　circumstances。〃　Jefferson　was　too　good　a
politician　to　overlook　his　opportunity　to　annihilate　the
Federalists。　He　hoped　to　absorb　them　in　his　own　party；　〃to　unite
the　names　of　Federalists　and　Republicans。〃　Moderate　Federalists；
who　possessed　sufficient　gifts　of　grace　for　conversion；　he
sedulously　nursed。　But　he　removed　all　officers　for　whose　removal
any　special　reason　could　be　discovered。　The　〃midnight
appointments〃　of　John　Adams　he　refused　to　acknowledge；　and　he
paid　no　heed　to　John　Marshall's　dicta　in　Marbury　versus　Madison。
He　was　zealous　in　discovering　plausible　excuses　for　making
vacancies。　The　New　York　Evening　Post　described　him　as　〃gazing
round；　with　wild　anxiety　furiously　inquiring；　'how　are　vacancies
to　be　obtained？'〃　Directly　and　indirectly；　Jefferson　effected；
during　his　first　term；　164　changes　in　the　offices　at　his
disposal；　a　large　number　for　those　days。　This　he　did　so　craftily；
with　such　delicate　regard　for　geographical　sensitiveness　and　with
such　a　nice　balance　between　fitness　for　office　and　the　desire　for
office；　that　by　the　end　of　his　second　term　he　had　not　only
consolidated　our　first　disciplined　and　eager　political　party；　but
had　quieted　the　storm　against　his　policy　of　partizan
proscription。

During　the　long　regime　of　the　Jeffersonian　Republicans　there　were
three　significant　movements。　In　January；　1811；　Nathaniel　Macon
introduced　his　amendment　to　the　Constitution　providing　that　no
member　of　Congress　should　receive　a　civil　appointment　〃under　the
authority　of　the　United　States　until　the　expiration　o