the boss and the machine-第7章

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shared　with　the　Board　of　Police　Commissioners　the　direction　of
police　affairs。　Usually　these　boards　were　responsible　to　no　one
but　the　electorate　（and　that　remotely）　and　were　entirely　without
coordination；　a　mere　agglomeration　of　independent　creations
generally　with　ill…defined　powers。

Sometimes　the　laws　provided　that　not　all　the　members　of　the
appointive　boards　should　〃belong　to　the　same　political　party〃　or
〃be　of　the　same　political　opinion　in　state　and　national　issues。〃
It　was　clearly　the　intention　to　wipe　out　the　partizan　complexion
of　such　boards。　But　this　device　was　no　stumbling…block　to　the
boss。　Whatever　might　be　the　〃opinions〃　on　national　matters　of　the
men　appointed；　they　usually　had　a　perfect　understanding　with　the
appointing　authorities　as　to　local　matters。　As　late　as　1898；　a
Democratic　mayor　of　New　York　（Van　Wyck）　summarily　removed　the　two
Republican　members　of　the　Board　of　Police　Commissioners　and
replaced　them　by　Republicans　after　his　own　heart。　In　truth；　the
bipartizan　board　fitted　snugly　into　the　dual　party　regime　that
existed　in　many　cities；　whereby　the　county　offices　were
apportioned　to　one　party；　the　city　offices　to　the　other；　and　the
spoils　to　both。　It　is　doubtful　if　any　device　was　ever　more
deceiving　and　less　satisfactory　than　the　bipartizan　board。

The　reader　must　not　be　led　to　think　that　any　one　of　these　plans
of　municipal　government　prevailed　at　any　one　time。　They　all　still
exist；　contemporaneously　with　the　newer　commission　plan　and　the
city　manager　plan。

Hand　in　hand　with　these　experiments　in　governmental　mechanisms
for　the　growing　cities　went　a　rapidly　increasing　expenditure　of
public　funds。　Streets　had　to　be　laid　out；　paved；　and　lighted；
sewers　extended；　firefighting　facilities　increased；　schools
built；　parks；　boulevards；　and　playgrounds　acquired；　and　scores　of
new　activities　undertaken　by　the　municipality。　All　these　brought
grist　to　the　politician's　mill。　So　did　his　control　of　the　police
force　and　the　police　courts。　And　finally；　with　the　city　reaching
its　eager　streets　far　out　into　the　country；　came　the　necessity
for　rapid　transportation；　which　opened　up　for　the　municipal
politician　a　new　El　Dorado。

Under　our　laws　the　right　of　a　public　service　corporation　to
occupy　the　public　streets　is　based　upon　a　franchise　from　the
city。　Before　the　days　of　the　referendum　the　franchise　was　granted
by　the　city　council；　usually　as　a　monopoly；　sometimes　in
perpetuity；　and；　until　comparatively　recent　years；　the
corporation　paid　nothing　to　the　city　for　the　rights　it　acquired。

When　we　reflect　that　within　a　few　decades　of　the　discovery　of
electric　power；　every　city；　large　and　small；　had　its　street…car
and　electric…light　service；　and　that　most　of　these　cities；
through　their　councils；　gave　away　these　monopoly　rights　for　long
periods　of　time；　we　can　imagine　the　princely　aggregate　of　the
gifts　which　public　service　corporations　have　received　at　the
hands　of　our　municipal　governments；　and　the　nature　of　the
temptations　these　corporations　were　able　to　spread　before　the
greedy　gaze　of　those　whose　gesture　would　seal　the　grant。

But　it　was　not　only　at　the　granting　of　the　franchise　that　the
boss　and　his　machine　sought　for　spoils。　A　public　service
corporation；　being　constantly　asked　for　favors；　is　a　continuing
opportunity　for　the　political　manipulator。　Public　service
corporations　could　share　their　patronage　with　the　politician　in
exchange　for　favors。　Through　their　control　of　many　jobs；　and
through　their　influence　with　banks；　they　could　show　a　wide
assortment　of　favors　to　the　politician　in　return　for　his
influence；　for　instance；　in　the　matter　of　traffic　regulations；
permission　to　tear　up　the　streets；　inspection　laws；　rate
schedules；　tax　assessments；　coroners'　reports；　or　juries。

When　the　politician　went　to　the　voters；　he　adroitly　concealed　his
designs　under　the　name　of　one　of　the　national　parties。　Voters
were　asked　to　vote　for　a　Republican　or　a　Democrat；　not　for　a
policy　of　municipal　administration　or　other　local　policies。　The
system　of　committees；　caucuses；　conventions；　built　up　in　every
city；　was　linked　to　the　national　organization。　A　citizen　of　New
York；　for　instance；　was　not　asked　to　vote　for　the　Broadway
Franchise；　which　raised　such　a　scandal　in　the　eighties；　but　to
vote　for　aldermen　running　on　a　national　tariff　ticket！

The　electorate　was　somnolent　and　permitted　the　politician　to　have
his　way。　The　multitudes　of　the　city　came　principally　from　two
sources；　from　Europe　and　from　the　rural　districts　of　our　own
country。　Those　who　came　to　the　city　from　the　country　were
prompted　by　industrial　motives；　they　sought　wider　opportunities；
they　soon　became　immersed　in　their　tasks　and　paid　little
attention　to　public　questions。　The　foreign　immigrants　who
congested　our　cities　were　alien　to　American　institutions。　They
formed　a　heterogeneous　population　to　whom　a　common　ideal　of
government　was　unknown　and　democracy　a　word　without　meaning。
These　foreigners　were　easily　influenced　and　easily　led。　Under　the
old　naturalization　laws；　they　were　herded　into　the　courts　just
before　election　and　admitted　to　citizenship。　In　New　York　they
were　naturalized　under　the　guidance　of　wardheelers；　not
infrequently　at　the　rate　of　one　a　minute！　And；　before　the　days　of
registration　laws；　ballots　were　distributed　to　them　and　they　were
led　to　the　polls；　as　charity　children　are　given　excursion　tickets
and　are　led　to　their　annual　summer's　day　picnic。

The　slipshod　methods　of　naturalization　have　been　revealed　since
the　new　law　（1906）　has　been　in　force。　Tens　of　thousands　of　voters
who　thought　they　were　citizens　found　that　their　papers　were　only
declarations　of　intentions；　or　〃first　papers。〃　Other　tens　of
thousands　had　lost　even　these　papers　and　could　not　designate　the
courts　that　had　issued　them；　and　other　thousands　found　that　the
courts　that　had　naturalized　them　were　without　jurisdiction　in　the
matter。

It　was　not　merely　among　these　newcomers　that　the　boss　found　his
opportunities　for　carrying　elections。　The　dense　city　blocks　were
convenient　lodging　places　for　〃floaters。〃　Just　before　elections；
the　population　of　the　downtown　wards　in　the　larger　cities
increased　surprisingly。　The　boss　fully　availed　himself　of　the
psychological　and　social　reactions　of　the　city　upon　the
individual；　knowing　instinctively　how　much　more　easily　men　are
corrupted　when　they　are　merged　in　the　crowd　and　have　lost　their
sense　of　personal　responsibility。

It　was　in　the　city；　then；　that　industrial　politics　found　their
natural　habitat。　We　shall　now　scrutinize　more　closely　some　of　the
developments　which　arose　out　of　such　an　environment。



CHAPTER　V。　TAMMANY　HALL

Before　the　Revolutionary　War　numerous　societies　were　organized　to
aid　the　cause　of　Independence。　These　were　sometimes　called　〃Sons
of　Liberty〃　and　not　infrequently　〃Sons　of　St。　Tammany；〃　after　an
Indian　brave　whom　tradition　had　shrouded　in　virtue。　The　name　was
probably　adopted　to　burlesque　the　royalist　societies　named　after
St。　George；　St。　David；　or　St。　Andrew。　After　the　war　these
societies　vanished。　But；　in　New　York　City；　William　Mooney；　an
upholsterer；　reorganized　the　local　society　as　〃Tammany　Society　or
Columbian　Order；〃　devoted　ostensibly　to　goodfellowship　and
charity。　Its　officers　bore　Indian　titles　and　its　ceremonies　were
more　or　less　borrowed　from　the　red　man；　not　merely　because　of
their　unique　and　picturesque　character；　but　to　emphasize　the
truly　American　and　anti…British　convictions　of　its　members。　The
society　attracted　that　element　of　the　town's　population　which
delighted　in　the　crude　ceremonials　and　the　stimulating　potions
that　always　accompanied　them；　mostly　small　shopkeepers　and
mechanics。　It　was　among　this　class　that　the　spirit　of　discontent
against　the　power　of　Federalism　was　strongesta　spirit　that　has
often　become　decisive　in　our　political　fortunes。

This　was　still　the　day　of　the　〃gentleman；〃　of　small　clothes；
silver　shoe…buckles；　powdered　wigs；　and　lace　ruffles。　Only
taxpayers　and　propertied　persons　could　vote；　and　public　office
was　still　invested　with　certain　prerogatives　and　privileges。
Democracy　was　little　more　than　a　name。　There　was；　however；　a
distinct　division　of　sentiment；　and　the　drift　towards　democracy
was　accelerated　by　immigration。　The　newcomers　were　largely　of　the
humble　classes；　among　whom　the　doctrines　of　democratic　discontent
were　welcome。

Tammany　soon　became　partizan。　The　Federalist　members　withdrew；
probably　influenced　by　Washington's　warning　against　secret
political　societies。　By　1798　it　was　a　Republican　club　meeting　in
various　taverns；　finally　selecting　Martling's　〃Long　Room〃　for　its
nightly　carousals。　Soon　after　this　a　new　constitution　was　adopted
which　adroitly　transformed　the　society　into　a　compact　political
machine；　every　member　subscribing　to　the　oath　that　he　would
resist　the　encroachments　of　centralized　power　over　the　State。

Tradition　has　it　that　the　transformer　of　Tammany　into　the　first
compact　and　effective　political　machine　was　Aaron　Burr。　There　is
no　direct　evidence　that　he　wrote　the　new　constitution。　But　there
is　collateral　evidence。　Indeed；　it　would　not　have　been　Burrian
had　he　left　any　written　evidence　of　his　connection　with　the
organization。　For　Burr　was　one　of　those　intriguers　who　revel　in
mystery；　who　always　hide　their　designs；　and　never　bind　themselves
in　writing　without　leaving　a　dozen　loopholes　for　escape。　He　was
by　this　time　a　prominent　figure　in　American　politics。　His　skill
had　been　displayed　in　Albany；　both　in　the　passing　of　legislation
and　in　out…maneuvering　Hamilton　and　having　himself　elected　United
States　Senator　against　the　powerful　combination　of　the
Livingstons　and　the　Schuylers。　He　was　plotting　for　the　Presidency
as　the　campaign　of　1800　approached；　and　Tammany　was　to　be　the
fulcrum　to　lift　him　to　this　conspicuous　place。

Under　the　ostensible　leadership　of　Matthew　L。　Davis；　Burr's　chief
lieutenant；　every　ward　of　the　city　was　carefully　organized；　a
polling　list　was　made；　scores　of　new　members　were　pledged　to
Tammany；　and　during　the　three　days　of　voting　（in　New　York　State
until　1840　elections　lasted　three　days）；　while　Hamilton　was
making　eloquent　speeches　for　the　Federalists；　Burr　was　secretly
manipulating　the　wires　of　his　machine。　Burr　and　Tammany　won　in
New　York　City；　though　Burr　failed　to　win　the　Presidency。　The
political　career　of　this　remarkable　organization；　which　has
survived　over　one　hundred　and　twenty　years　of　stormy　history；　was
now　well　launched。

》From　that　time　to　the　present　the　history　of　Tammany　Hall　is　a
tale　of　victories；　followed　by　occasional　disclosures　of
corruption　and　favoritism；　of　quarrels　with　governors　and
presidents；　of　party　fights　between　〃up…state〃　and　〃city〃；　of
skulking　when　its　sachems　were　unwelcome　in　the　White　House；　of
periodical　displays　of　patriotism　for　cloaking　its　grosser
crimes；　of　perennial　charities　for　fastening　itself　more　firmly
on　the　poorer　populace　which　has　always　been　the　source　of　its
power；　of　colossal　municipal　enterprise　for　profit…sharing；　and
of　a　continuous　political　efficiency　due　to　sagacious　leadership；
a　remarkable　adaptability　to　the　necessities　of　the　hour；　and　a
patience　that　outlasts　every　〃reform。〃

It　early　displayed　all　the　trait