part18-第7章

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their　independence；　we　must　not　let　our　rulers　load　us　with　perpetual

debt。　　We　must　make　our　election　between　_economy　and　liberty_；　or

_profusion　and　servitude_。　　If　we　run　into　such　debts；　as　that　we

must　be　taxed　in　our　meat　and　in　our　drink；　in　our　necessaries　and

our　comforts；　in　our　labors　and　our　amusements；　for　our　callings　and

our　creeds；　as　the　people　of　England　are；　our　people；　like　them；　must

come　to　labor　sixteen　hours　in　the　twenty…four；　give　the　earnings　of

fifteen　of　these　to　the　government　for　their　debts　and　daily

expenses；　and　the　sixteenth　being　insufficient　to　afford　us　bread；　we

must　live；　as　they　now　do；　on　oatmeal　and　potatoes；　have　no　time　to

think；　no　means　of　calling　the　mismanagers　to　account；　but　be　glad　to

obtain　subsistence　by　hiring　ourselves　to　rivet　their　chains　on　the

necks　of　our　fellow…sufferers。　　Our　landholders；　too；　like　theirs；

retaining　indeed　the　title　and　stewardship　of　estates　called　theirs；

but　held　really　in　trust　for　the　treasury；　must　wander；　like　theirs；

in　foreign　countries；　and　be　contented　with　penury；　obscurity；　exile；

and　the　glory　of　the　nation。　　This　example　reads　to　us　the　salutary

lesson；　that　private　fortunes　are　destroyed　by　public　as　well　as　by

private　extravagance。　　And　this　is　the　tendency　of　all　human

governments。　　A　departure　from　principle　in　one　instance　becomes　a

precedent　for　a　second；　that　second　for　a　third；　and　so　on；　till　the

bulk　of　the　society　is　reduced　to　be　mere　automatons　of　misery；　and

to　have　no　sensibilities　left　but　for　sinning　and　suffering。　　Then

begins；　indeed；　the　_bellum　omnium　in　omnia_；　which　some　philosophers

observing　to　be　so　general　in　this　world；　have　mistaken　it　for　the

natural；　instead　of　the　abusive　state　of　man。　　And　the　fore　horse　of

this　frightful　team　is　public　debt。　　Taxation　follows　that；　and　in

its　train　wretchedness　and　oppression。




　　　　　　　　Some　men　look　at　constitutions　with　sanctimonious　reverence；

and　deem　them　like　the　arc　of　the　covenant；　too　sacred　to　be　touched。

They　ascribe　to　the　men　of　the　preceding　age　a　wisdom　more　than

human；　and　suppose　what　they　did　to　be　beyond　amendment。　　I　knew　that

age　well；　I　belonged　to　it；　and　labored　with　it。　　It　deserved　well　of

its　country。　　It　was　very　like　the　present；　but　without　the

experience　of　the　present；　and　forty　years　of　experience　in

government　is　worth　a　century　of　book…reading；　and　this　they　would

say　themselves；　were　they　to　rise　from　the　dead。　　I　am　certainly　not

an　advocate　for　frequent　and　untried　changes　in　laws　and

constitutions。　　I　think　moderate　imperfections　had　better　be　borne

with；　because；　when　once　known；　we　accommodate　ourselves　to　them；　and

find　practical　means　of　correcting　their　ill　effects。　　But　I　know

also；　that　laws　and　institutions　must　go　hand　in　hand　with　the

progress　of　the　human　mind。　　As　that　becomes　more　developed；　more

enlightened；　as　new　discoveries　are　made；　new　truths　disclosed；　and

manners　and　opinions　change　with　the　change　of　circumstances；

institutions　must　advance　also；　and　keep　pace　with　the　times。　　We

might　as　well　require　a　man　to　wear　still　the　coat　which　fitted　him

when　a　boy；　as　civilized　society　to　remain　ever　under　the　regimen　of

their　barbarous　ancestors。　　It　is　this　preposterous　idea　which　has

lately　deluged　Europe　in　blood。　　Their　monarchs；　instead　of　wisely

yielding　to　the　gradual　change　of　circumstances；　of　favoring

progressive　accommodation　to　progressive　improvement；　have　clung　to

old　abuses；　entrenched　themselves　behind　steady　habits；　and　obliged

their　subjects　to　seek　through　blood　and　violence　rash　and　ruinous

innovations；　which；　had　they　been　referred　to　the　peaceful

deliberations　and　collected　wisdom　of　the　nation；　would　have　been　put

into　acceptable　and　salutary　forms。　　Let　us　follow　no　such　examples；

nor　weakly　believe　that　one　generation　is　not　as　capable　as　another

of　taking　care　of　itself；　and　of　ordering　its　own　affairs。　　Let　us；

as　our　sister　States　have　done；　avail　ourselves　of　our　reason　and

experience；　to　correct　the　crude　essays　of　our　first　and

unexperienced；　although　wise；　virtuous；　and　well…meaning　councils。

And　lastly；　let　us　provide　in　our　constitution　for　its　revision　at

stated　periods。　　What　these　periods　should　be；　nature　herself

indicates。　　By　the　European　tables　of　mortality；　of　the　adults　living

at　any　one　moment　of　time；　a　majority　will　be　dead　in　about　nineteen

years。　　At　the　end　of　that　period；　then；　a　new　majority　is　come　into

place；　or；　in　other　words；　a　new　generation。　　Each　generation　is　as

independent　as　the　one　preceding；　as　that　was　of　all　which　had　gone

before。　　It　has　then；　like　them；　a　right　to　choose　for　itself　the

form　of　government　it　believes　most　promotive　of　its　own　happiness；

consequently；　to　accommodate　to　the　circumstances　in　which　it　finds

itself；　that　received　from　its　predecessors；　and　it　is　for　the　peace

and　good　of　mankind；　that　a　solemn　opportunity　of　doing　this　every

nineteen　or　twenty　years；　should　be　provided　by　the　constitution；　so

that　it　may　be　handed　on；　with　periodical　repairs；　from　generation　to

generation；　to　the　end　of　time；　if　anything　human　can　so　long　endure。

It　is　now　forty　years　since　the　constitution　of　Virginia　was　formed。

The　same　tables　inform　us；　that；　within　that　period；　two…thirds　of

the　adults　then　living　are　now　dead。　　Have　then　the　remaining　third；

even　if　they　had　the　wish；　the　right　to　hold　in　obedience　to　their

will；　and　to　laws　heretofore　made　by　them；　the　other　two…thirds；　who；

with　themselves；　compose　the　present　mass　of　adults？　　If　they　have

not；　who　has？　　The　dead？　　But　the　dead　have　no　rights。　　They　are

nothing；　and　nothing　cannot　own　something。　　Where　there　is　no

substance；　there　can　be　no　accident。　　This　corporeal　globe；　and

everything　upon　it；　belong　to　its　present　corporeal　inhabitants；

during　their　generation。　　They　alone　have　a　right　to　direct　what　is

the　concern　of　themselves　alone；　and　to　declare　the　law　of　that

direction；　and　this　declaration　can　only　be　made　by　their　majority。

That　majority；　then；　has　a　right　to　depute　representatives　to　a

convention；　and　to　make　the　constitution　what　they　think　will　be　the

best　for　themselves。　　But　how　collect　their　voice？　　This　is　the　real

difficulty。　　If　invited　by　private　authority；　or　county　or　district

meetings；　these　divisions　are　so　large　that　few　will　attend；　and

their　voice　will　be　imperfectly；　or　falsely　pronounced。　　Here；　then；

would　be　one　of　the　advantages　of　the　ward　divisions　I　have　proposed。

The　mayor　of　every　ward；　on　a　question　like　the　present；　would　call

his　ward　together；　take　the　simple　yea　or　nay　of　its　members；　convey

these　to　the　county　court；　who　would　hand　on　those　of　all　its　wards

to　the　proper　general　authority；　and　the　voice　of　the　whole　people

would　be　thus　fairly；　fully；　and　peaceably　expressed；　discussed；　and

decided　by　the　common　reason　of　the　society。　　If　this　avenue　be　shut

to　the　call　of　sufferance；　it　will　make　itself　heard　through　that　of

force；　and　we　shall　go　on；　as　other　nations　are　doing；　in　the　endless

circle　of　oppression；　rebellion；　reformation；　and　oppression；

rebellion；　reformation；　again；　and　so　on　forever。




　　　　　　　　These；　Sir；　are　my　opinions　of　the　governments　we　see　among

men；　and　of　the　principles　by　which　alone　we　may　prevent　our　own　from

falling　into　the　same　dreadful　track。　　I　have　given　them　at　greater

length　than　your　letter　called　for。　　But　I　cannot　say　things　by

halves；　and　I　confide　them　to　your　honor；　so　to　use　them　as　to

preserve　me　from　the　gridiron　of　the　public　papers。　　If　you　shall

approve　and　enforce　them；　as　you　have　done　that　of　equal

representation；　they　may　do　some　good。　　If　not；　keep　them　to　yourself

as　the　effusions　of　withered　age　and　useless　time。　　I　shall；　with　not

the　less　truth；　assure　you　of　my　great　respect　and　consideration。







　　　　　　　　〃NEVER　AN　INFIDEL；　IF　NEVER　A　PRIEST〃




　　　　　　　　_To　Mrs。　Samuel　H。　Smith_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　August　6；　1816_




　　　　　　　　I　have　received；　dear　Madam；　your　very　friendly　letter　of　July

21st；　and　assure　you　that　I　feel　with　deep　sensibility　its　kind

expressions　towards　myself；　and　the　more　as　from　a　person　than　whom

no　others　could　be　more　in　sympathy　with　my　own　affections。　　I　often

call　to　mind　the　occasions　of　knowing　your　worth；　which　the　societies

of　Washington　furnished；　and　none　more　than　those　derived　from　your

much　valued　visit　to　Monticello。　　I　recognize　the　same　motives　of

goodness　in　the　solicitude　you　express　on　the　rumor　supposed　to

proceed　from　a　letter　of　mine　to　Charles　Thomson；　on　the　subject　of

the　Christian　religion。　　It　is　true　that；　in　writing　to　the

translator　of　the　Bible　and　Testament；　that　subject　was　mentioned；

but　equally　so　that　no　adherence　to　any　particular　mode　of

Christianity　was　there　expressed；　nor　any　change　of　opinions

suggested。　　A　change　from　what？　the　priests　indeed　have　heretofore

thought　proper　to　ascribe　to　me　religious；　or　rather　anti…religious

sentiments；　of　their　own　fabric；　but　such　as　soothed　their

resentments　against　the　act　of　Virginia　for　establishing　religious

freedom。　　They　wished　him　to　be　thought　atheist；　deist；　or　devil；　who

could　advocate　freedom　from　their　religious　dictations。　　But　I　have

ever　thought　religion　a　concern　purely　between　our　God　and　our

consciences；　for　which　we　were　accountable　to　him；　and　not　to　the

priests。　　I　never　told　my　own　religion；　nor　scrutinized　that　of

another。　　I　never　attempted　to　make　a　convert；　nor　wished　to　change

another's　creed。　　I　have　ever　judged　of　the　religion　of　others　by

their　lives；　and　by　this　test；　my　dear　Madam；　I　have　been　satisfied

yours　must　be　an　excellent　one；　to　have　produced　a　life　of　such

exemplary　virtue　and　correctness。　　For　it　is　in　our　lives；　and　not

from　our　words；　that　our　religion　must　be　read。　　By　the　same　test　the

world　must　judge　me。　　But　this　does　not　satisfy　the　priesthood。　　They

must　have　a　positive；　a　declared　assent　to　all　their　interested

absurdities。　　My　opinion　is　that　there　would　never　have　been　an

infidel；　if　there　had　never　been　a　priest。　　The　artificial　structures

they　have　built　on　the　purest　of　all　moral　systems；　for　the　purpose

of　deriving　from　it　pence　and　power；　revolts　those　who　think　for

themselves；　and　who　read　in　that　system　only　what　is　really　there。

These；　therefore；　they　brand　with　such　nick…names　as　their　enmity

chooses　gratuitously　to　impute。　　I　have　left　the　world；　in　silence；

to　judge　of　causes　from　their　effects；　and　I　am　consoled　in　this

course；　my　dear　friend；　when　I　perceive　the　candor　with　which　I　am

judged　by　your　justice　and　discernment；　and　that；　notwithstanding　the

slanders　of　the　saints；　my　fellow　citizens　have　thought　me　worthy　of

trusts。　　The　imputations　of　irreligion　having　spent　their　force；　they

think　an　imputation　of　change　might　now　be　turned　to　account　as　a

holster　for　their　duperies。　　I　shall　leave　them；　as　heretofore；　to