representative government-第25章

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ernment　is　but　solemn　trifling。　All　trust　in　constitutions　is　grounded　on　the　assurance　they　may　afford；　not　that　the　depositaries　of　power　will　not；　but　that　they　cannot；　misemploy　it。　Democracy　is　not　the　ideally　best　form　of　government　unless　this　weak　side　of　it　can　be　strengthened；　unless　it　can　be　so　organised　that　no　class；　not　even　the　most　numerous；　shall　be　able　to　reduce　all　but　itself　to　political　insignificance；　and　direct　the　course　of　legislation　and　administration　by　its　exclusive　class　interest。　The　problem　is；　to　find　the　means　of　preventing　this　abuse；　without　sacrificing　the　characteristic　advantages　of　popular　government。　　　These　twofold　requisites　are　not　fulfilled　by　the　expedient　of　a　limitation　of　the　suffrage；　involving　the　compulsory　exclusion　of　any　portion　of　the　citizens　from　a　voice　in　the　representation。　Among　the　foremost　benefits　of　free　government　is　that　education　of　the　intelligence　and　of　the　sentiments　which　is　carried　down　to　the　very　lowest　ranks　of　the　people　when　they　are　called　to　take　a　part　in　acts　which　directly　affect　the　great　interests　of　their　country。　On　this　topic　I　have　already　dwelt　so　emphatically　that　I　only　return　to　it　because　there　are　few　who　seem　to　attach　to　this　effect　of　popular　institutions　all　the　importance　to　which　it　is　entitled。　People　think　it　fanciful　to　expect　so　much　from　what　seems　so　slight　a　cause…　to　recognise　a　potent　instrument　of　mental　improvement　in　the　exercise　of　political　franchises　by　manual　labourers。　Yet　unless　substantial　mental　cultivation　in　the　mass　of　mankind　is　to　be　a　mere　vision；　this　is　the　road　by　which　it　must　come。　If　any　one　supposes　that　this　road　will　not　bring　it；　I　call　to　witness　the　entire　contents　of　M。　de　Tocqueville's　great　work；　and　especially　his　estimate　of　the　Americans。　Almost　all　travellers　are　struck　by　the　fact　that　every　American　is　in　some　sense　both　a　patriot；　and　a　person　of　cultivated　intelligence；　and　M。　de　Tocqueville　has　shown　how　close　the　connection　is　between　these　qualities　and　their　democratic　institutions。　No　such　wide　diffusion　of　the　ideas；　tastes；　and　sentiments　of　educated　minds　has　ever　been　seen　elsewhere；　or　even　conceived　as　attainable。*

　　*　The　following　〃extract　from　the　Report　of　the　English　Commissioner　to　the　New　York　Exhibition；〃　which　I　quote　from　Mr。　Carey's　Principles　of　Social　Science　bears　striking　testimony　to　one　part；　at　least；　of　the　assertion　in　the　text：…　　　〃We　have　a　few　great　engineers　and　mechanics；　and　a　large　body　of　clever　workmen；　but　the　Americans　seem　likely　to　become　a　whole　nation　of　such　people。　Already；　their　rivers　swarm　with　steamboats；　their　valleys　are　becoming　crowded　with　factories；　their　towns；　surpassing　those　of　every　state　of　Europe；　except　Belgium；　Holland；　and　England；　are　the　abodes　of　all　the　skill　which　now　distinguishes　a　town　population；　and　there　is　scarcely　an　art　in　Europe　not　carried　on　in　America　with　equal　or　greater　skill　than　in　Europe；　though　it　has　been　here　cultivated　and　improved　through　ages。　A　whole　nation　of　Franklins；　Stephensons；　and　Watts　in　prospect；　is　something　wonderful　for　other　nations　to　contemplate。　In　contrast　with　the　comparative　inertness　and　ignorance　of　the　bulk　of　the　people　of　Europe；　whatever　may　be　the　superiority　of　a　few　well…instructed　and　gifted　persons；　the　America　is　the　circumstance　most　worthy　of　public　attention。〃

　　Yet　this　is　nothing　to　what　we　might　look　for　in　a　government　equally　democratic　in　its　unexclusiveness；　but　better　organised　in　other　important　points。　For　political　life　is　indeed　in　America　a　most　valuable　school；　but　it　is　a　school　from　which　the　ablest　teachers　are　excluded；　the　first　minds　in　the　country　being　as　effectually　shut　out　from　the　national　representation；　and　from　public　functions　generally；　as　if　they　were　under　a　formal　disqualification。　The　Demos；　too；　being　in　America　the　one　source　of　power；　all　the　selfish　ambition　of　the　country　gravitates　towards　it；　as　it　does　in　despotic　countries　towards　the　monarch：　the　people；　like　the　despot；　is　pursued　with　adulation　and　sycophancy；　and　the　corrupting　effects　of　power　fully　keep　pace　with　its　improving　and　ennobling　influences。　If；　even　with　this　alloy；　democratic　institutions　produce　so　marked　a　superiority　of　mental　development　in　the　lowest　class　of　Americans；　compared　with　the　corresponding　classes　in　England　and　elsewhere；　what　would　it　be　if　the　good　portion　of　the　influence　could　be　retained　without　the　bad？　And　this；　to　a　certain　extent；　may　be　done；　but　not　by　excluding　that　portion　of　the　people　who　have　fewest　intellectual　stimuli　of　other　kinds　from　so　inestimable　an　introduction　to　large；　distant；　and　complicated　interests　as　is　afforded　by　the　attention　they　may　be　induced　to　bestow　on　political　affairs。　It　is　by　political　discussion　that　the　manual　labourer；　whose　employment　is　a　routine；　and　whose　way　of　life　brings　him　in　contact　with　no　variety　of　impressions；　circumstances；　or　ideas；　is　taught　that　remote　causes；　and　events　which　take　place　far　off；　have　a　most　sensible　effect　even　on　his　personal　interests；　and　it　is　from　political　discussion；　and　collective　political　action；　that　one　whose　daily　occupations　concentrate　his　interests　in　a　small　circle　round　himself；　learns　to　feel　for　and　with　his　fellow　citizens；　and　becomes　consciously　a　member　of　a　great　community。　But　political　discussions　fly　over　the　heads　of　those　who　have　no　votes；　and　are　not　endeavouring　to　acquire　them。　Their　position；　in　comparison　with　the　electors；　is　that　of　the　audience　in　a　court　of　justice；　compared　with　the　twelve　men　in　the　jury…box。　It　is　not　their　suffrages　that　are　asked；　it　is　not　their　opinion　that　is　sought　to　be　influenced；　the　appeals　are　made；　the　arguments　addressed；　to　others　than　them；　nothing　depends　on　the　decision　they　may　arrive　at；　and　there　is　no　necessity　and　very　little　inducement　to　them　to　come　to　any。　Whoever；　in　an　otherwise　popular　government；　has　no　vote；　and　no　prospect　of　obtaining　it；　will　either　be　a　permanent　malcontent；　or　will　feel　as　one　whom　the　general　affairs　of　society　do　not　concern；　for　whom　they　are　to　be　managed　by　others；　who　〃has　no　business　with　the　laws　except　to　obey　them；〃　nor　with　public　interests　and　concerns　except　as　a　looker…on。　What　he　will　know　or　care　about　them　from　this　position　may　partly　be　measured　by　what　an　average　woman　of　the　middle　class　knows　and　cares　about　politics；　compared　with　her　husband　or　brothers。　　　Independently　of　all　these　considerations；　it　is　a　personal　injustice　to　withhold　from　any　one；　unless　for　the　prevention　of　greater　evils；　the　ordinary　privilege　of　having　his　voice　reckoned　in　the　disposal　of　affairs　in　which　he　has　the　same　interest　as　other　people。　If　he　is　compelled　to　pay；　if　he　may　be　compelled　to　fight；　if　he　is　required　implicitly　to　obey；　he　should　be　legally　entitled　to　be　told　what　for；　to　have　his　consent　asked；　and　his　opinion　counted　at　its　worth；　though　not　at　more　than　its　worth。　There　ought　to　be　no　pariahs　in　a　full…grown　and　civilised　nation；　no　persons　disqualified；　except　through　their　own　default。　Every　one　is　degraded；　whether　aware　of　it　or　not；　when　other　people；　without　consulting　him；　take　upon　themselves　unlimited　power　to　regulate　his　destiny。　And　even　in　a　much　more　improved　state　than　the　human　mind　has　ever　yet　reached；　it　is　not　in　nature　that　they　who　are　thus　disposed　of　should　meet　with　as　fair　play　as　those　who　have　a　voice。　Rulers　and　ruling　classes　are　under　a　necessity　of　considering　the　interests　and　wishes　of　those　who　have　the　suffrage；　but　of　those　who　are　excluded；　it　is　in　their　option　whether　they　will　do　so　or　not；　and；　however　honestly　disposed；　they　are　in　general　too　fully　occupied　with　things　which　they　must　attend　to；　to　have　much　room　in　their　thoughts　for　anything　which　they　can　with　impunity　disregard。　No　arrangement　of　the　suffrage；　therefore；　can　be　permanently　satisfactory　in　which　any　person　or　class　is　peremptorily　excluded；　in　which　the　electoral　privilege　is　not　open　to　all　persons　of　full　age　who　desire　to　obtain　it。　　　There　are；　however；　certain　exclusions；　required　by　positive　reasons；　which　do　not　conflict　with　this　principle；　and　which；　though　an　evil　in　themselves；　are　only　to　be　got　rid　of　by　the　cessation　of　the　state　of　things　which　requires　them。　I　regard　it　as　wholly　inadmissible　that　any　person　should　participate　in　the　suffrage　without　being　able　to　read；　write；　and；　I　will　add；　perform　the　common　operations　of　arithmetic。　Justice　demands；　even　when　the　suffrage　does　not　depend　on　it；　that　the　means　of　attaining　these　elementary　acquirements　should　be　within　the　reach　of　every　person；　either　gratuitously；　or　at　an　expense　not　exceeding　what　the　poorest　who　earn　their　own　living　can　afford。　If　this　were　really　the　case；　people　would　no　more　think　of　giving　the　suffrage　to　a　man　who　could　not　read；　than　of　giving　it　to　a　child　who　could　not　speak；　and　it　would　not　be　society　that　would　exclude　him；　but　his　own　laziness。　When　society　has　not　performed　its　duty；　by　rendering　this　amount　of　instruction　accessible　to　all；　there　is　some　hardship　in　the　case；　but　it　is　a　hardship　that　ought　to　be　borne。　If　society　has　neglected　to　discharge　two　solemn　obligations；　the　more　important　and　more　fundamental　of　the　two　must　be　fulfilled　first：　universal　teaching　must　precede　universal　enfranchisement。　No　one　but　those　in　whom　an　a　priori　theory　has　silenced　common　sense　will　maintain　that　power　over　others；　over　the　whole　community；　should　be　imparted　to　people　who　have　not　acquired　the　commonest　and　most　essential　requisities　for　taking　care　of　themselves；　for　pursuing　intelligently　their　own　interests；　and　those　of　the　persons　most　nearly　allied　to　them。　This　argument；　doubtless；　might　be　pressed　further；　and　made　to　prove　much　more。　It　would　be　eminently　desirable　that　other　things　besides　reading；　writing；　and　arithmetic　could　be　made　necessary　to　the　suffrage；　that　some　knowledge　of　the　conformation　of　the　earth；　its　natural　and　political　divisions；　the　elements　of　general　history；　and　of　the　history　and　institutions　of　their　own　country；　could　be　required　from　all　electors。　But　these　kinds　of　knowledge；　however　indispensable　to　an　intelligent　use　of　the　suffrage；　are　not；　in　this　country；　nor　probably　anywhere　save　in　the　Northern　United　States；　accessible　to　the　whole　people；　nor　does　there　exist　any　trustworthy　machinery　for　ascertaining　whether　they　have　been　acquired　or　not。　The　attempt；　at　present；　would　lead　to　partiality；　chicanery；　and　every　kind　of　fraud。　It　is　better　that　the　suffrage　should　be　conferred　indiscriminately；　or　even　withheld　indiscriminately；　than　that　it　should　be　given　to　one　and　withheld　from　another　at　the　discretion　of　a　public　officer。　In　regard；　however；　to　reading；　writing；　and　calculating；　there　need　be　no　difficulty。　It　would　be　easy　to　require　from　every　one　who　presented　himself　for　registry　that　he　should；　in　the　presence　of　the　registrar；　copy　a　sentence　from　an　English　book；　and　perform　a　sum　in　the　rule　of　three；　and　to　secure；　by　fixed　rules　and　complete　publicity；　the　honest　application　of　so　very　simple　a　test。　This　condition；　therefore；　should　in　all　cases　accompany　universal　suffrage；　and　it　would；　after　a　few　years；　exclude　none