the psychology of revolution-第10章

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The　second　category；　which　plays　a　capital　part　in　all　national

disturbances；　consists　of　a　subversive　social　residue　dominated

by　a　criminal　mentality。　　Degenerates　of　alcoholism　and　poverty；

thieves；　beggars；　destitute　‘‘casuals；''　indifferent　workers

without　employmentthese　constitute　the　dangerous　bulk　of　the

armies　of　insurrection。



The　fear　of　punishment　prevents　many　of　them　from　becoming

criminals　at　ordinary　times；　but　they　do　become　criminals　as　soon

as　they　can　exercise　their　evil　instincts　without　danger。



To　this　sinister　substratum　are　due　the　massacres　which　stain　all

revolutions。



It　was　this　class　which；　guided　by　its　leaders；　continually

invaded　the　great　revolutionary　Assemblies。　　These　regiments　of

disorder　had　no　other　ideal　than　that　of　massacre；　pillage；　and

incendiarism。　　Their　indifference　to　theories　and　principles　was

complete。



To　the　elements　recruited　from　the　lowest　dregs　of　the　populace

are　added；　by　way　of　contagion；　a　host　of　idle　and　indifferent

persons　who　are　simply　drawn　into　the　movement。　　They　shout

because　there　are　men　shouting；　and　revolt　because　there　is　a

revolt；　without　having　the　vaguest　idea　of　the　cause　of　shouting

or　revolution。　　The　suggestive　power　of　their　environment

absolutely　hypnotises　them；　and　impels　them　to　action。



These　noisy　and　maleficent　crowds；　the　kernel　of　all

insurrections；　from　antiquity　to　our　own　times；　are　the　only

crowds　known　to　the　orator。　　To　the　orator　they　are　the　sovereign

people。　　As　a　matter　of　fact　this　sovereign　people　is　principally

composed　of　the　lower　populace　of　whom　Thiers　said：



‘‘Since　the　time　when　Tacitus　saw　it　applaud　the　crimes　of　the

emperors　the　vile　populace　has　not　changed。　　These　barbarians　who

swarm　at　the　bottom　of　societies　are　always　ready　to　stain　the

people　with　every　crime；　at　the　beck　of　every　power；　and　to　the

dishonour　of　every　cause。''



At　no　period　of　history　was　the　role　of　the　lowest　elements

of　the　population　exercised　in　such　a　lasting　fashion　as　in　the

French　Revolution。



The　massacres　began　as　soon　as　the　beast　was　unchainedthat　is；

from　1789；　long　before　the　Convention。　　They　were　carried

out　with　all　possible　refinements　of　cruelty。　　During　the　killing

of　September　the　prisoners　were　slowly　chopped　to　bits　by　sabre…

cuts　in　order　to　prolong　their　agonies　and　amuse　the　spectators；

who　experienced　the　greatest　delight　before　the　spectacle　of　the

convulsions　of　the　victims　and　their　shrieks　of　agony。



Similar　scenes　were　observed　all　over　France；　even　in　the　early

days　of　the　Revolution；　although　the　foreign　war　did　not　excuse

them　then；　nor　any　other　pretext。



From　March　to　September　a　whole　series　of　burnings；　killings；　and

pillagings　drenched　all　France　in　blood。　　Taine　cites　one　hundred

and　twenty　such　cases。　　Rouen；　Lyons；　Strasbourg；　&c。；　fell　into

the　power　of　the　populace。



The　Mayor　of　Troyes；　his　eyes　destroyed　by　blows　of　scissors；　was

murdered　after　hours　of　suffering。　　The　Colonel　of　Dragoons

Belzuce　was　cut　to　pieces　while　living。　　In　many　places　the

hearts　of　the　victims　were　torn　out　and　carried　about　the　cities

on　the　point　of　a　pike。



Such　is　the　behaviour　of　the　base　populace　so　soon　as　imprudent

hands　have　broken　the　network　of　constraints　which　binds　its

ancestral　savagery。　　It　meets　with　every　indulgence　because　it　is

in　the　interests　of　the　politicians　to　flatter　it。　　But　let　us

for　a　moment　suppose　the　thousands　of　beings　who　constitute　it

condensed　into　one　single　being。　　The　personality　thus　formed

would　appear　as　a　cruel　and　narrow　and　abominable　monster；　more

horrible　than　the　bloodiest　tyrants　of　history。



This　impulsive　and　ferocious　people　has　always　been　easily

dominated　so　soon　as　a　strong　power　has　opposed　it。　　If　its

violence　is　unlimited；　so　is　its　servility。　　All　the　despotisms

have　had　it　for　their　servant。　　The　Caesars　are　certain　of

being　acclaimed　by　it；　whether　they　are　named　Caligula；　Nero；

Marat；　Robespierre；　or　Boulanger。



Beside　these　destructive　hordes　whose　action　during　revolution　is

capital；　there　exists；　as　we　have　already　remarked；　the　mass　of

the　true　people；　which　asks　only　the　right　to　labour。　　It

sometimes　benefits　by　revolutions；　but　never　causes　them。　　The

revolutionary　theorists　know　little　of　it　and　distrust　it；　aware

of　its　traditional　and　conservative　basis。　　The　resistant　nucleus

of　a　country；　it　makes　the　strength　and　continuity　of　the　latter。



Extremely　docile　through　fear；　easily　influenced　by　its　leaders；

it　will　momentarily　commit　every　excess　while　under　their

influence；　but　the　ancestral　inertia　of　the　race　will　soon　take

charge　again；　which　is　the　reason　why　it　so　quickly　tires　of

revolution。　　Its　traditional　soul　quickly　incites　it　to　oppose

itself　to　anarchy　when　the　latter　goes　too　far。　　At　such　times　it

seeks　the　leader　who　will　restore　order。



This　people；　resigned　and　peaceable；　has　evidently　no　very　lofty

nor　complicated　political　conceptions。　　Its　governmental　ideal　is

always　very　simple；　is　something　very　like　dictatorship。　　This　is

why；　from　the　times　of　the　Greeks　to　our　own；　dictatorship　has

always　followed　anarchy。　　It　followed　it　after　the　first

Revolution；　when　Bonaparte　was　acclaimed；　and　again　when；　despite

opposition；　four　successive　plebiscites　raised　Louis　Napoleon　to

the　head　of　the　republic；　ratified　his　coup　d'etat；

re…established　the　Empire；　and　in　1870；　before　the　war；　approved

of　his　rule。



Doubtless　in　these　last　instances　the　people　was　deceived。　　But

without　the　revolutionary　conspiracies　which　led　to　disorder；　it

would　not　have　been　impelled　to　seek　the　means　of　escape

therefrom。



The　facts　recalled　in　this　chapter　must　not　be　forgotten　if　we

wish　fully　to　comprehend　the　various　roles　of　the　people

during　revolution。　　Its　action　is　considerable；　but　very　unlike

that　imagined　by　the　legends　whose　repetition　alone　constitutes

their　vitality。







BOOK　II



THE　FORMS　OF　MENTALITY　PREVALENT　DURING　REVOLUTION



CHAPTER　I



INDIVIDUAL　VARIATIONS　OF　CHARACTER　IN　TIME　OF　REVOLUTION



1。　　Transformations　of　Personality。



I　have　dwelt　at　length　elsewhere　upon　a　certain　theory　of

character；　without　which　it　is　absolutely　impossible　to

understand　divers　transformations　or　inconsistencies　of　conduct

which　occur　at　certain　moments；　notably　in　time　of　revolution。　

Here　are　the　principal　points　of　this　theory：



Every　individual　possesses；　besides　his　habitual　mentality；

which；　when　the　environment　does　not　alter；　is　almost　constant；

various　possibilities　of　character　which　may　be　evoked　by　passing

events。



The　people　who　surround　us　are　the　creatures　of　certain

circumstances；　but　not　of　all　circumstances。　　Our　ego　consists　of

the　association　of　innumerable　cellular　egos；　the　residues　of

ancestral　personalities。　　By　their　combination　they　form　an

equilibrium　which　is　fairly　permanent　when　the　social　environment

does　not　vary。　　As　soon　as　this　environment　is　considerably

modified；　as　in　time　of　insurrection；　this　equilibrium　is　broken；

and　the　dissociated　elements　constitute；　by　a　fresh　aggregation；

a　new　personality；　which　is　manifested　by　ideas；　feelings；　and

actions　very　different　from　those　formerly　observed　in　the　same

individual。　　Thus　it　is　that　during　the　Terror　we　see　honest

bourgeois　and　peaceful　magistrates　who　were　noted　for　their

kindness　turned　into　bloodthirsty　fanatics。



Under　the　influence　of　environment　the　old　personality　may

therefore　give　place　to　one　entirely　new。　　For　this　reason　the

actors　in　great　religious　and　political　crises　often　seem　of　a

different　essence　to　ourselves；　yet　they　do　not　differ　from　us；

the　repetition　of　the　same　events　would　bring　back　the　same　men。



Napoleon　perfectly　understood　these　possibilities　of　character

when　he　said；　in　Saint　Helena：



‘‘It　is　because　I　know　just　how　great　a　part　chance　plays　in　our

political　decisions；　that　I　have　always　been　without　prejudices；

and　very　indulgent　as　to　the　part　men　have　taken　during　our

disturbances。　。　。　。　　In　time　of　revolution　one　can　only　say　what

one　has　done；　it　would　not　be　wise　to　say　that　one　could　not　have

done　otherwise。　。　。　。　　Men　are　difficult　to　understand　if　we　want

to　be　just。　。　。　。　　Do　they　know　themselves？　　Do　they　account　for

themselves　very　clearly？　　There　are　virtues　and　vices　of

circumstance。''



When　the　normal　personality　has　been　disaggregated　under　the

influence　of　certain　events；　how　does　the　new　personality　form

itself？　　By　several　means；　the　most　active　of　which　is　the

acquisition　of　a　strong　belief。　　This　orientates　all　the　elements

of　the　understanding；　as　the　magnet　collects　into　regular

curves　the　filings　of　a　magnetic　metal。



Thus　were　formed　the　personalities　observed　in　times　of　great

crises：　the　Crusades；　the　Reformation；　the　Revolution　notably。



At　normal　times　the　environment　varies　little；　so　that　as　a　rule

we　see　only　a　single　personality　in　the　individuals　that　surround

us。　　Sometimes；　however；　it　happens　that　we　observe　several；

which　in　certain　circumstances　may　replace　one　another。



These　personalities　may　be　contradictory　and　even　inimical。　　This

phenomenon；　exceptional　under　normal　conditions；　is　considerably

accentuated　in　certain　pathological　conditions。　　Morbid

psychology　has　recorded　several　examples　of　multiple　personality

in　a　single　subject；　such　as　the　cases　cited　by　Morton　Prince　and

Pierre　Janet。



In　all　these　variations　of　personality　it　is　not　the　intelligence

which　is　modified；　but　the　feelings；　whose　association　forms　the

character。





2。　　Elements　of　Character　Predominant　in　Time　of　Revolution。





During　revolution　we　see　several　sentiments　developed　which　are

commonly　repressed；　but　to　which　the　destruction　of　social

constraints　gives　a　free　vent。



These　constraints；　consisting　of　the　law；　morality；　and

tradition；　are　not　always　completely　broken。　　Some　survive　the

upheaval　and　serve　to　some　extent　to　damp　the　explosion　of

dangerous　sentiments。



The　most　powerful　of　these　restraints　is　the　soul　of　the　race。　

This　determines　a　manner　of　seeing；　feeling；　and　willing

common　to　the　majority　of　the　individuals　of　the　same　people；　it

constitutes　a　hereditary　custom；　and　nothing　is　more　powerful

than　the　ties　of　custom。



This　racial　influence　limits　the　variations　of　a　people　and

determines　its　destiny　within　certain　limits　in　spite　of　all

superficial　changes。



For　example；　to　take　only　the　instances　of　history；　it　would　seem

that　the　mentality　of　France　must　have　varied　enormously　during　a

single　century。　　In　a　few　years　it　passed　from　the　Revolution　to

Caesarism；　returned　to　the　monarchy；　effected　another

Revolution；　and　then　summoned　a　new　Caesar。　　In　reality　only

the　outsides　of　things　had　changed。



We　cannot　insist　furth