the psychology of revolution-第18章

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which　will　surely　lead　to　the　study　of　the　Revolution　as　one　of

those　scientific　phenomena　into　which　the　opinions　and　beliefs　of

a　writer　enter　so　little　that　the　reader　does　not　even　suspect

them。



This　period　has　not　yet　come　into　being；　we　are　still　in　the

period　of　doubt。　　The　liberal　writers　who　used　to　be　so　positive

are　now　so　no　longer。　　One　may　judge　of　this　new　state　of

mind　by　the　following　extracts　from　recent　authors：



M。　Hanotaux；　having　vaunted　the　utility　of　the　Revolution；　asks

whether　its　results　were　not　bought　too　dearly；　and　adds：



‘‘History　hesitates；　and　will；　for　a　long　time　yet；　hesitate　to

answer。''



M。　Madelin　is　equally　dubious　in　the　book　he　has　recently

published：



‘‘I　have　never　felt　sufficient　authority　to　form；　even　in　my

inmost　conscience；　a　categorical　judgment　on　so　complex　a

phenomenon　as　the　French　Revolution。　　To…day　I　find　it　even　more

difficult　to　form　a　brief　judgement。　　Causes；　facts；　and

consequences　seem　to　me　to　be　still　extremely　debatable

subjects。''



One　may　obtain　a　still　better　idea　of　the　transformation　of　the

old　ideas　concerning　the　Revolution　by　perusing　the　latest

writings　of　its　official　defenders。　　While　they　professed

formerly　to　justify　every　act　of　violence　by　representing　it　as　a

simple　act　of　defence；　they　now　confine　themselves　to　pleading

extenuating　circumstances。　　I　find　a　striking　proof　of　this　new

frame　of　mind　in　the　history　of　France　for　the　use　of　schools；

published　by　MM。　Aulard　and　Debidour。　　Concerning　the　Terror　we

read　the　following　lines：



‘‘Blood　flowed　in　waves；　there　were　acts　of　injustice　and　crimes

which　were　useless　from　the　point　of　view　of　national　defence；

and　odious。　　But　men　had　lost　their　heads　in　the　tempest；　and；

harassed　by　a　thousand　dangers；　the　patriots　struck　out　in　their

rage。''



We　shall　see　in　another　part　of　this　work　that　the　first　of　the

two　authors　whom　I　have　cited　is；　in　spite　of　his

uncompromising　Jacobinism；　by　no　means　indulgent　toward　the　men

formerly　qualified　as　the　‘‘Giants　of　the　Convention。''



The　judgments　of　foreigners　upon　our　Revolution　are　usually

distinctly　severe；　and　we　cannot　be　surprised　when　we　remember

how　Europe　suffered　during　the　twenty　years　of　upheaval　in

France。



The　Germans　in　particular　have　been　most　severe。　　Their　opinion

is　summed　up　in　the　following　lines　by　M。　Faguet：



‘‘Let　us　say　it　courageously　and　patriotically；　for　patriotism

consists　above　all　in　telling　the　truth　to　one's　own　country：　

Germany　sees　in　France；　with　regard　to　the　past；　a　people　who；

with　the　great　words　‘liberty'　and　‘fraternity'　in　its　mouth；

oppressed；　trampled；　murdered；　pillaged；　and　fleeced　her　for

fifteen　years；　and　with　regard　to　the　present；　a　people　who；　with

the　same　words　on　its　banners；　is　organising　a　despotic；

oppressive；　mischievous；　and　ruinous　democracy；　which　none　would

seek　to　imitate。　　This　is　what　Germany　may　well　see　in　France；

and　this；　according　to　her　books　and　journals；　is；　we　may　assure

ourselves；　what　she　does　see。''



For　the　rest；　whatever　the　worth　of　the　verdicts　pronounced　upon

the　French　Revolution；　we　may　be　certain　that　the　writers　of　the

future　will　consider　it　as　an　event　as　passionately　interesting

as　it　is　instructive。



A　Government　bloodthirsty　enough　to　guillotine　old　men　of　eighty

years；　young　girls；　and　little　children：　which　covered　France

with　ruins；　and　yet　succeeded　in　repulsing　Europe　in　arms；　an

archduchess　of　Austria；　Queen　of　France；　dying　on　the

scaffold；　and　a　few　years　later　another　archduchess；　her

relative；　replacing　her　on　the　same　throne　and　marrying　a　sub…

lieutenant；　turned　Emperorhere　are　tragedies　unique　in　human

history。　　The　psychologists；　above　all；　will　derive　lessons　from

a　history　hitherto　so　little　studied　by　them。　　No　doubt　they　will

finally　discover　that　psychology　can　make　no　progress　until　it

renounces　chimerical　theories　and　laboratory　experiments　in　order

to　study　the　events　and　the　men　who　surround　us。＇7＇







＇7＇　This　advice　is　far　from　being　banal。　　The　psychologists　of

the　day　pay　very　little　attention　to　the　world　about　them；　and

are　even　surprised　that　any　one　should　study　it。　　I　have　come

across　an　interesting　proof　of　this　indifferent　frame　of　mind　in

a　review　of　one　of　my　books　which　appeared　in　the　Revue

philosophique　and　was　inspired　by　the　editor　of　the　review。　　The

author　reproaches　me　with　‘‘exploring　the　world　and　the

newspapers　rather　than　books。''



I　most　gladly　accept　this　reproach。　　The　manifold　facts　of　the

journals　and　the　realities　of　the　world　are　far　more　instructive

than　philosophical　lucubrations　such　as　the　Revue　is　stuffed

with。



Philosophers　are　beginning　to　see　the　puerility　of　such

reproaches。　　It　was　certainly　of　the　forty　volumes　of　this

fastidious　publication　that　Mr。　William　James　was　thinking　when

he　wrote　that　all　these　dissertations　simply　represented　‘‘a

string　of　facts　clumsily　observed　and　a　few　quarrelsome

discussions。''　　Although　he　is　the　author　of　the　best　known

treatise　on　psychology　extant；　the　eminent　thinker　realises　‘‘the

fragility　of　a　science　that　oozes　metaphysical　criticism　at　every

joint。''　　For　more　than　twenty　years　I　have　tried　to　interest

psychologists　in　the　study　of　realities；　but　the　stream　of

university　metaphysics　is　hardly　yet　turned　aside；　although　it

has　lost　its　former　force







4。　　Impartiality　in　History。





Impartiality　has　always　been　considered　as　the　most　essential

quality　of　the　historian。　　All　historians　since　Tacitus　have

assured　us　that　they　are　impartial。



In　reality　the　writer　sees　events　as　the　painter　sees　a

landscapethat　is；　through　his　own　temperament；　through　his

character　and　the　mind　of　the　race。



A　number　of　artists；　placed　before　the　same　landscape；　would

necessarily　interpret　it　in　as　many　different　fashions。　　Some

would　lay　stress　upon　details　neglected　by　others。　　Each

reproduction　would　thus　be　a　personal　workthat　is　to　say；　would

be　interpreted　by　a　certain　form　of　sensibility。



It　is　the　same　with　the　writer。　　We　can　no　more　speak　of　the

impartiality　of　the　historian　than　we　can　speak　of　the

impartiality　of　the　painter。



Certainly　the　historian　may　confine　himself　to　the　reproduction

of　documents；　and　this　is　the　present　tendency。　　But　these

documents；　for　periods　as　near　us　as　the　Revolution；　are　so

abundant　that　a　man's　whole　life　would　not　suffice　to　go　through

them。　　Therefore　the　historian　must　make　a　choice。



Consciously　sometimes；　but　more　often　unconsciously；　the　author

will　select　the　material　which　best　corresponds　with　his

political；　moral；　and　social　opinions。



It　is　therefore　impossible；　unless　he　contents　himself　with

simple　chronologies　summing　up　each　event　with　a　few　words　and　a

date；　to　produce　a　truly　impartial　volume　of　history。　　No　author

could　be　impartial；　and　it　is　not　to　be　regretted。　　The　claim　to

impartiality；　so　common　to…day；　results　in　those　flat；　gloomy；

and　prodigiously　wearisome　works　which　render　the　comprehension

of　a　period　completely　impossible。



Should　the　historian；　under　a　pretext　of　impartiality；　abstain

from　judging　menthat　is；　from　speaking　in　tones　of　admiration

or　reprobation？



This　question；　I　admit；　allows　of　two　very　different　solutions；

each　of　which　is　perfectly　correct；　according　to　the　point　of

view　assumedthat　of　the　moralist　or　that　of　the　psychologist。



The　moralist　must　think　exclusively　of　the　interest　of　society；

and　must　judge　men　only　according　to　that　interest。　　By　the　very

fact　that　it　exists　and　wishes　to　continue　to　exist　a　society　is

obliged　to　admit　a　certain　number　of　rules；　to　have　an

indestructible　standard　of　good　and　evil；　and　consequently　to

create　very　definite　distinctions　between　vice　and　virtue。　　It

thus　finally　creates　average　types；　to　which　the　man　of　the

period　approaches　more　or　less　closely；　and　from　which　he　cannot

depart　very　widely　without　peril　to　society。



It　is　by　such　similar　types　and　the　rules　derived　from　social

necessities　that　the　moralist　must　judge　the　men　of　the　past。　

Praising　those　which　were　useful　and　blaming　the　rest；　he　thus

helps　to　form　the　moral　types　which　are　indispensable　to　the

progress　of　civilisation　and　which　may　serve　others　as　models。　

Poets　such　as　Corneille；　for　example；　create　heroes　superior　to

the　majority　of　men；　and　possibly　inimitable；　but　they　thereby

help　greatly　to　stimulate　our　efforts。　　The　example　of　heroes

must　always　be　set　before　a　people　in　order　to　ennoble　its　mind。



Such　is　the　moralist's　point　of　view。　　That　of　the　psychologist

would　be　quite　different。　　While　a　society　has　no　right　to　be

tolerant；　because　its　first　duty　is　to　live；　the　psychologist　may

remain　indifferent。　　Considering　things　as　a　scientist；　he　no

longer　asks　their　utilitarian　value；　but　seeks　merely　to　explain

them。



His　situation　is　that　of　the　observer　before　any　phenomenon。　　It

is　obviously　difficult　to　read　in　cold　blood　that　Carrier　ordered

his　victims　to　be　buried　up　to　the　neck　so　that　they　might　then

be　blinded　and　subjected　to　horrible　torments。　　Yet　if　we　wish　to

comprehend　such　acts　we　must　be　no　more　indignant　than　the

naturalist　before　the　spider　slowly　devouring　a　fly。　　As　soon　as

the　reason　is　moved　it　is　no　longer　reason；　and　can　explain

nothing。



The　functions　of　the　historian　and　the　psychologist　are　not；　as

we　see；　identical；　but　of　both　we　may　demand　the　endeavour；　by　a

wise　interpretation　of　the　facts；　to　discover；　under　the　visible

evidences；　the　invisible　forces　which　determine　them。







CHAPTER　II



THE　PSYCHOLOGICAL　FOUNDATIONS　OF　THE　ANCIEN　REGIME



1。　　The　Absolute　Monarchy　and　the　Bases　of　the　Ancien　Regime。



Many　historians　assure　us　that　the　Revolution　was　directed

against　the　autocracy　of　the　monarchy。　　In　reality　the　kings　of

France　had　ceased　to　be　absolute　monarchs　long　before　its

outbreak。



Only　very　late　in　historynot　until　the　reign　of　Louis　XIV。did

they　finally　obtain　incontestable　power。　　All　the　preceding

sovereigns；　even　the　most　powerful；　such　as　Francis　I。；　for

example；　had　to　sustain　a　constant　struggle　either　against　the

seigneurs；　or　the　clergy；　or　the　parliaments；　and　they　did　not

always　win。　　Francis　himself　had　not　sufficient　power　to　protect

his　most　intimate　friends　against　the　Sorbonne　and　the

Parliament。　　His　friend　and　councillor　Berquin；　having　offended

the　Sorbonne；　was　arrested　upon　the　order　of　the　latter　body。　

The　king　ordered　his　release；　which　was　refused。　　He　was　obliged

to　send　archers　to　remove　him　from　the　Conciergerie；　and　could

find　no　other　means　of　protecting　him　than　that　of　keeping　him

beside　him　in　the　Louvre。　　The　Sorbonne　by　no　means　considered

itself　beaten。　　Profiting　by　the　king's　absence；　it

arrested　Berquin　again　an