the psychology of revolution-第24章

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The　king　refused；　and　dismissed　Necker；　replacing　him　by　the

Marshal　de　Broglie；　reputed　to　be　an　extremely　authoritative

person。



But　the　Assembly　had　able　supporters。　　Camille　Desmoulins　and

others　harangued　the　crowd　in　all　directions；　calling　it　to　the

defence　of　liberty。　　They　sounded　the　tocsin；　organised　a　militia

of　12；000　men；　took　muskets　and　cannon　from　the　Invalides；　and　on

the　14th　of　July　the　armed　bands　marched　upon　the　Bastille。　　The

fortress；　barely　defended；　capitulated　in　a　few　hours。　　Seven

prisoners　were　found　within　it；　of　whom　one　was　an　idiot　and　four

were　accused　of　forgery。



The　Bastille；　the　prison　of　many　victims　of　arbitrary　power；

symbolised　the　royal　power　to　many　minds；　but　the　people　who

demolished　it　had　not　suffered　by　it。　　Scarcely　any　but　members

of　the　nobility　were　imprisoned　there。



The　influence　exercised　by　the　taking　of　this　fortress　has

continued　to　our　days。　　Serious　historians　like　M。　Rambaud　assure

us　that　‘‘the　taking　of　the　Bastille　is　a　culminating　fact　in　the

history；　not　of　France　only　but　of　all　Europe；　and　inaugurates　a

new　epoch　in　the　history　of　the　world。''



Such　credulity　is　a　little　excessive。　　The　importance　of　the

event　lay　simply　in　the　psychological　fact　that　for　the　first

time　the　people　received　an　obvious　proof　of　the　weakness　of　an

authority　which　had　lately　been　formidable。



When　the　principle　of　authority　is　injured　in　the　public　mind　it

dissolves　very　rapidly。　　What　might　not　one　demand　of　a　king　who

could　not　defend　his　principal　fortress　against　popular　attacks？　

The　master　regarded　as　all…powerful　had　ceased　to　be　so。



The　taking　of　the　Bastille　was　the　beginning　of　one　of　those

phenomena　of　mental　contagion　which　abound　in　the　history　of　the

Revolution。　　The　foreign　mercenary　troops；　although　they　could

scarcely　be　interested　in　the　movement；　began　to　show　symptoms　of

mutiny。　　Louis　XVI。　was　reduced　to　accepting　their　disbandment。　

He　recalled　Necker；　went　to　the　Hotel　de　Ville；　sanctioned　by

his　presence　the　accomplished　facts；　and　accepted　from　La

Fayette；　commandant　of　the　National　Guard；　the　new　cockade　of

red；　white；　and　blue　which　allied　the　colours　of　Paris　to　those

of　the　king。



Although　the　riot　which　ended　in　the　taking　of　the　Bastille　can

by　no　means　be　regarded　as　‘‘a　culminating　fact　in　history；''　it

does　mark　the　precise　moment　of　the　commencement　of　popular

government。　　The　armed　people　thenceforth　intervened　daily　in　the

deliberations　of　the　revolutionary　Assemblies；　and　seriously

influenced　their　conduct。



This　intervention　of　the　people　in　conformity　with　the　dogma　of

its　sovereignty　has　provoked　the　respectful　admiration　of　many

historians　of　the　Revolution。　　Even　a　superficial　study　of　the

psychology　of　crowds　would　speedily　have　shown　them　that　the

mystic　entity　which　they　call　the　people　was　merely　translating

the　will　of　a　few　leaders。　　It　is　not　correct　to　say　that　the

people　took　the　Bastille；　attacked　the　Tuileries；　invaded　the

Convention；　&c。；　but　that　certain　leadersgenerally　by

means　of　the　clubsunited　armed　bands　of　the　populace；　which

they　led　against　the　Bastille；　the　Tuileries；　&c。　　During　the

Revolution　the　same　crowds　attacked　or　defended　the　most　contrary

parties；　according　to　the　leaders　who　happened　to　be　at　their

heads。　　A　crowd　never　has　any　opinion　but　that　of　its　leaders。



Example　constituting　one　of　the　most　potent　forms　of　suggestion；

the　taking　of　the　Bastille　was　inevitably　followed　by　the

destruction　of　other　fortresses。　　Many　chateaux　were　regarded　as

so　many　little　Bastilles；　and　in　order　to　imitate　the　Parisians

who　had　destroyed　theirs　the　peasants　began　to　burn　them。　　They

did　so　with　the　greater　fury　because　the　seigneurial　homes

contained　the　titles　of　feudal　dues。　　It　was　a　species　of

Jacquerie。



The　Constituent　Assembly；　so　proud　and　haughty　towards　the　king；

was；　like　all　the　revolutionary　assemblies　which　followed　it；

extremely　pusillanimous　before　the　people。



Hoping　to　put　an　end　to　the　disorders　of　the　night　of　August　4th；

it　voted；　on　the　proposition　of　a　member　of　the　nobility；　the

Comte　de　Noailles；　the　abolition　of　seigneurial　rights。　　Although

this　measure　suppressed　at　one　stroke　the　privileges　of　the

nobles；　it　was　voted　with　tears　and　embracings。　　Such　accesses　of

sentimental　enthusiasm　are　readily　explained　when　we　recall　how

contagious　emotion　is　in　a　crowd；　above　all　in　an　assembly

oppressed　by　fear。



If　the　renunciation　of　their　rights　had　been　effected　by　the

nobility　a　few　years　earlier；　the　Revolution　would　doubtless　have

been　avoided；　but　it　was　now　too　late。　　To　give　way　only　when　one

is　forced　to　do　so　merely　increases　the　demands　of　those

to　whom　one　yields。　　In　politics　one　should　always　look　ahead　and

give　way　long　before　one　is　forced　to　do　so。



Louis　XVI。　hesitated　for　two　months　to　ratify　the　decisions　voted

by　the　Assembly　on　the　night　of　the　4th　of　August。　　He　had

retired　to　Versailles。　　The　leaders　sent　thither　a　band　of　7；000

or　8；000　men　and　women　of　the　people；　assuring　them　that　the

royal　residence　contained　great　stores　of　bread。　　The　railings　of

the　palace　were　forced；　some　of　the　bodyguard　were　killed；　and

the　king　and　all　his　family　were　led　back　to　Paris　in　the　midst

of　a　shrieking　crowd；　many　of　whom　bore　on　the　ends　of　their

pikes　the　heads　of　the　soldiers　massacred。　　The　dreadful　journey

lasted　six　hours。　　These　events　constituted　what　are　known　as　the

‘‘days''　of　October。



The　popular　power　increased；　and　in　reality　the　king；　like　the

whole　assembly；　was　henceforth　in　the　hands　of　the　peoplethat

is；　at　the　mercy　of　the　clubs　and　their　leaders。　　This　popular

power　was　to　prevail　for　nearly　ten　years；　and　the　Revolution　was

to　be　almost　entirely　its　work。



While　proclaiming　that　the　people　constituted　the　only　sovereign；

the　Assembly　was　greatly　embarrassed　by　riots　which　went　far

beyond　its　theoretical　expectations。　　It　had　supposed　that　order

would　be　restored　while　it　fabricated　a　Constitution　destined　to

assure　the　eternal　happiness　of　mankind。



We　know　that　during　the　whole　duration　of　the　Revolution　one　of

the　chief　occupations　of　the　assemblies　was　to　make；　unmake；　and

remake　Constitutions。　　The　theorists　attributed　to　them　then；　as

they　do　to…day；　the　power　of　transforming　society；　the

Assembly；　therefore；　could　not　neglect　its　task。　　In　the　meantime

it　published　a　solemn　Declaration　of　the　Rights　of　Man　which

summarised　its　principles。



The　Constitution；　proclamations；　declarations；　and　speeches　had

not　the　slightest　effect　on　the　popular　movements；　nor　on　the

dissentients　who　daily　increased　in　number　in　the　heart　of　the

Assembly。　　The　latter　became　more　and　more　subjected　to　the

ascendancy　of　the　advanced　party；　which　was　supported　by　the

clubs。　　Danton；　Camille　Desmoulins；　and　later　Marat　and

Hebert；　violently　excited　the　populace　by　their　harangues　and

their　journals。　　The　Assembly　was　rapidly　going　down　the　slope

that　leads　to　extremes。



During　all　these　disorders　the　finances　of　the　country　were　not

improving。　　Finally　convinced　that　philanthropic　speeches　would

not　alter　their　lamentable　condition；　and　seeing　that　bankruptcy

threatened；　the　Assembly　decreed；　on　the　2nd　of　November；　1789；

the　confiscation　of　the　goods　of　the　Church。　　Their　revenues；

consisting　of　the　tithes　collected　from　the　faithful；　amounted　to

some　L8；000；000；　and　their　value　was　estimated　at　about

L120；000；000。　　They　were　divided　among　some　hundreds　of

prelates；　Court　abbes；　&c。；　who　owned　a　quarter　of　all　France。　

These　goods；　henceforth　entitled　is　‘‘national　domains；''　formed

the　guarantee　of　the　assignats；　the　first　issue　of　which　was

for　400；000；000　francs　（L16；000；000　sterling）。　　The　public

accepted　them　at　the　outset；　but　they　multiplied　so　under　the

Directory　and　the　Convention；　which　issued　45；000；000；000　francs

in　this　form　（L1；800；000；000　sterling）；　that　an　assignat　of

100　livres　was　finally　worth　only　a　few　halfpence。



Stimulated　by　his　advisers；　the　feeble　Louis　attempted　in

vain　to　struggle　against　the　decrees　of　the　Assembly　by　refusing

to　sanction　them。



Under　the　influence　of　the　daily　suggestions　of　the　leaders　and

the　power　of　mental　contagion　the　revolutionary　movement　was

spreading　everywhere　independently　of　the　Assembly　and　often　even

against　it。



In　the　towns　and　villages　revolutionary　municipalities　were

instituted；　protected　by　the　local　National　Guards。　　Those　of

neighbouring　towns　commenced　to　make　mutual　arrangements　to

defend　themselves　should　need　arise。　　Thus　federations　were

formed；　which　were　soon　rolled　into　one；　this　sent　14；000

National　Guards　to　Paris；　who　assembled　on　the　Champ…de…Mars　on

the　14th　of　July；　1790。　　There　the　king　swore　to　maintain　the

Constitution　decreed　by　the　National　Assembly。



Despite　this　vain　oath　it　became　more　evident　every　day　that　no

agreement　was　possible　between　the　hereditary　principles　of　the

monarchy　and　those　proclaimed　by　the　Assembly。



Feeling　himself　completely　powerless；　the　king　thought　only　of

flight。　　Arrested　at　Varennes　and　brought　back　a　prisoner　to

Paris；　he　was　shut　up　in　the　Tuileries。　　The　Assembly；　although

still　extremely　royalist；　suspended　him　from　power；　and　decided

to　assume　the　sole　charge　of　the　government。



Never　did　sovereign　find　himself　in　a　position　so　difficult　as

that　of　Louis　at　the　time　of　his　flight。　　The　genius　of　a

Richelieu　would　hardly　have　extricated　him。　　The　only　element　of

defence　on　which　he　could　have　relied　had　from　the　beginning

absolutely　failed　him。



During　the　whole　duration　of　the　Constituent　Assembly　the　

immense　majority　of　Frenchmen　and　of　the　Assembly　remained

royalist；　so　that　had　the　sovereign　accepted　a　liberal　monarchy

he　could　perhaps　have　remained　in　power。　　It　would　seem　that

Louis　had　little　to　promise　in　order　to　come　to　an　agreement　with

the　Assembly。



Little；　perhaps；　but　with　his　structure　of　mind　that　little　was

strictly　impossible。　　All　the　shades　of　his　forbears　would　have

risen　up　in　front　of　him　had　he　consented　to　modify　the　mechanism

of　the　monarchy　inherited　from　so　many　ancestors。　　And　even　had

he　attempted　to　do　so；　the　opposition　of　his　family；　the　clergy；

the　nobles；　and　the　Court　could　never　have　been　surmounted。　　The

ancient　castes　on　which　the　monarchy　rested；　the　nobility　and　the

clergy；　were　then　almost　as　powerful　as　the　monarch　himself。　

Every　time　it　seemed　as　though　he　might　yield　to　the　injunctions

of　the　Assembly　it　was　because　he　was　constrained　to　do　so　by

force；　and　to　attempt　to　gain　time。　　His　appeals　to　alien　Powers

represented　the　resolution　of　a　desperate　man　who　had　seen　all

his　natural　defences　fail　him。



He；　and　especially　the　queen；　entertained　the　strangest　illusions

as　to　the　possible　assistance　of