war and the future-第26章

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and　administrative　castes；　it　is　becoming　a　question　whether　we
may　not　pay　too　heavily　in　blundering　and　waste；　in　military　and
economic　lassitude；　in　international　irritation　and　the
accumulation　of　future　dangers　in　Ireland；　Egypt；　India；　and
elsewhere；　for　an　apparent　absence　of　internal　friction。　　These
people　have　no　gratitude　for　tacit　help；　no　spirit　of　intelligent
service；　and　no　sense　of　fair　play　to　the　outsider。　　The　latter
deficiency　indeed　they　call　/esprit　de　corps/　and　prize　it
as　if　it　were　a　noble　quality。

It　becomes　more　and　more　imperative　that　the　foreign　observer
should　distinguish　between　this　narrower；　older　official　Britain
and　the　greater　newer　Britain　that　struggles　to　free　itself　from
the　entanglement　of　a　system　outgrown。　　There　are　many　Englishmen
who　would　like　to　say　to　the　French　and　Irish　and　the　Italians
and　India；　who　indeed　feel　every　week　now　a　more　urgent　need　of
saying；　〃Have　patience　with　us。〃　　The　Riddle　of　the　British　is
very　largely　solved　if　you　will　think　of　a　great　modern　liberal
nation　seeking　to　slough　an　exceedingly　tough　and　tight　skin。。。。

Nothing　is　more　illuminating　and　self…educational　than　to　explain
one's　home　politics　to　an　intelligent　foreigner　enquirer；　it
strips　off　all　the　secondary　considerations；　the　allusiveness；
the　merely　tactical　considerations；　the　allusiveness；　the　merely
tactical　considerations。　　One　sees　the　forest　not　as　a　confusion
of　trees　but　as　something　with　a　definite　shape　and　place。　　I　was
asked　in　Italy　and　in　France；　〃Where　does　Lord　Northcliffe　come
into　the　British　systemor　Lloyd　George？　　Who　is　Mr。　Redmond？
Why　is　Lloyd　George　a　Minister；　and　why　does　not　Mr。　Redmond　take
office？　　Isn't　there　something　called　an　ordnance　department；　and
why　is　there　a　separate　ministry　of　munitions？　　Can　Mr。　Lloyd
George　remove　an　incapable　general？。。。〃

I　found　it　M。　Joseph　Reinach　particularly　penetrating　and
persistent。　　It　is　an　amusing　but　rather　difficult　exercise　to
recall　what　I　tried　to　convey　to　him　by　way　of　a　theory　of
Britain。　　He　is　by　no　means　an　uncritical　listener。　　I　explained
that　there　is　an　〃inner　Britain；〃　official　Britain；　which　is
Anglican　or　official　Presbyterian；　which　at　the　outside　in　the
whole　world　cannot　claim　to　speak　for　twenty　million　Anglican　or
Presbyterian　communicants；　which　monopolises　official　positions；
administration　and　honours　in　the　entire　British　empire；
dominates　the　court；　and；　typically；　is　spurred　and　red…tabbed。
（It　was　just　at　this　time　that　the　spurs　were　most　on　my
nerves。）

This　inner　Britain；　I　went　on　to　explain；　holds　tenaciously　to
its　positions　of　advantage；　from　which　it　is　difficult　to
dislodge　it　without　upsetting　the　whole　empire；　and　it　insists
upon　treating　the　rest　of　the　four　hundred　millions　who
constitute　that　empire　as　outsiders；　foreigners；　subject　races
and　suspected　persons。

〃To　you；〃　I　said；　〃it　bears　itself　with　an　appearance　of　faintly
hostile；　faintly　contemptuous　apathy。　　It　is　still　so　entirely
insular　that　it　shudders　at　the　thought　of　the　Channel　Tunnel。
This　is　the　Britain　which　irritates　and　puzzles　you　so　intensely
that　you　are　quite　unable　to　conceal　these　feelings　from　me。
Unhappily　it　is　the　Britain　you　see　most　of。　　Well；　outside　this
official　Britain　is　'Greater　Britain'the　real　Britain　with
which　you　have　to　reckon　in　the　future。〃　　（From　this　point　a
faint　flavour　of　mysticism　crept　into　my　dissertation。　　I　found
myself　talking　with　something　in　my　voice　curiously　reminiscent
of　those　liberal　Russians　who　set　themselves　to　explain　the
contrasts　and　contradictions　of　〃official〃　Russia　and　〃true〃
Russia。）　〃This　Greater　Britain；〃　I　asserted；　〃is　in　a　perpetual
conflict　with　official　Britain；　struggling　to　keep　it　up　to　its
work；　shoving　it　towards　its　ends；　endeavouring　in　spite　of　its
tenacious　mischievousness　of　the　privileged　to　keep　the　peace　and
a　common　aim　with　the　French　and　Irish　and　Italians　and　Russians
and　Indians。　　It　is　to　that　outer　Britain　that　those　Englishmen
you　found　so　interesting　and　sympathetic；　Lloyd　George　and　Lord
Northcliffe；　for　example；　belong。　　It　is　the　Britain　of　the　great
effort；　the　Britain　of　the　smoking　factories　and　the　torrent　of
munitions；　the　Britain　of　the　men　and　subalterns　of　the　new
armies；　the　Britain　which　invents　and　thinks　and　achieves；　and
stands　now　between　German　imperialism　and　the　empire　of　the
world。　　I　do　not　want　to　exaggerate　the　quality　of　greater
Britain。　　If　the　inner　set　are　narrowly　educated；　the　outer　set
if　often　crudely　educated。　　If　the　inner　set　is　so　close　knit　as
to　seem　like　a　conspiracy；　the　outer　set　is　so　loosely　knit　as　to
seem　like　a　noisy　confusion。　　Greater　Britain　is　only　beginning
to　realise　itself　and　find　itself。　　For　all　its　crudity　there　is
a　giant　spirit　in　it　feeling　its　way　towards　the　light。　　It　has
quite　other　ambitions　for　the　ending　of　the　war　than　some　haggled
treaty　of　alliance　with　France　and　Italy；　some　advantage　that
will　invalidate　German　competition；　it　begins　to　realise　newer
and　wider　sympathies；　possibilities　of　an　amalgamation　of
interests　and　community　of　aim　that　is　utterly　beyond　the　habits
of　the　old　oligarchy　to　conceive；　beyond　the　scope　of　that　tawdry
word　'Empire'　to　express。。。。〃

I　descended　from　my　rhetoric　to　find　M。　Reinach　asking　how　and
when　this　greater　Britain　was　likely　to　become　politically
effective。


V。　THE　SOCIAL　CHANGES　IN　PROGRESS


1

〃Nothing　will　be　the　same　after　the　war。〃　　This　is　one　of　the
consoling　platitudes　with　which　people　cover　over　voids　of
thought。　　They　utter　it　with　an　air　of　round…eyed　profundity。
But　to　ask　in　reply；　〃Then　how　will　things　be　different？〃　　is　in
many　cases　to　rouse　great　resentment。　　It　is　almost　as　rude　as
saying；　〃Was　that　thought　of　yours　really　a　thought？〃

Let　us　in　this　chapter　confine　ourselves　to　the　social…economic
processes　that　are　going　on。　　So　far　as　I　am　able　to　distinguish
among　the　things　that　are　being　said　in　these　matters；　they　may
be　classified　out　into　groups　that　centre　upon　several　typical
questions。　　There　is　the　question　of　〃How　to　pay　for　the　war？〃
There　is　the　question　of　the　behaviour　of　labour　after　the　war。
〃Will　there　be　a　Labour　Truce　or　a　violent　labour　struggle？〃
There　is　the　question　of　the　reconstruction　of　European　industry
after　the　war　in　the　face　of　an　America　in　a　state　of　monetary
and　economic　repletion　through　non…intervention。　　My　present
purpose　in　this　chapter　is　a　critical　one；　it　is　not　to　solve
problems　but　to　set　out　various　currents　of　thought　that　are
flowing　through　the　general　mind。　　Which　current　is　likely　to
seize　upon　and　carry　human　affairs　with　it；　is　not　for　our
present　speculation。

There　seem　to　be　two　distinct　ways　of　answering　the　first　of　the
questions　I　have　noted。　　They　do　not　necessarily　contradict　each
other。　　Of　course　the　war　is　being　largely　paid　for　immediately
out　of　the　accumulated　private　wealth　of　the　past。　　We　are　buying
off　the　〃hold…up〃　of　the　private　owner　upon　the　material　and
resources　we　need；　and　paying　in　paper　money　and　war　loans。　　This
is　not　in　itself　an　impoverishment　of　the　community。　　The　wealth
of　individuals　is　not　the　wealth　of　nations；　the　two　things　may
easily　be　contradictory　when　the　rich　man's　wealth　consists　of
land　or　natural　resources　or　franchises　or　privileges　the　use　of
which　he　reluctantly　yields　for　high　prices。　　The　conversion　of
held…up　land　and　material　into　workable　and　actively　used
material　in　exchange　for　national　debt　may　be　indeed　a　positive
increase　in　the　wealth　of　the　community。　　And　what　is　happening
in　all　the　belligerent　countries　is　the　taking　over　of　more　and
more　of　the　realities　of　wealth　from　private　hands　and；　in
exchange；　the　contracting　of　great　masses　of　debt　to　private
people。　　The　nett　tendency　is　towards　the　disappearance　of　a
reality　holding　class　and　the　destruction　of　realities　in
warfare；　and　the　appearance　of　a　vast　/rentier/　class　in　its
place。　　At　the　end　of　the　war　much　material　will　be　destroyed　for
evermore；　transit；　food　production　and　industry　will　be
everywhere　enormously　socialised；　and　the　country　will　be　liable
to　pay　every　year　in　interest；　a　sum　of　money　exceeding　the
entire　national　expenditure　before　the　war。　　From　the　point　of
view　of　the　state；　and　disregarding　material　and　moral　damages；
that　annual　interest　is　the　annual　instalment　of　the　price　to　be
paid　for　the　war。

Now　the　interesting　question　arises　whether　these　great
belligerent　states　may　go　bankrupt；　and　if　so　to　what　extent。
States　may　go　bankrupt　to　the　private　creditor　without
repudiating　their　debts　or　seeming　to　pay　less　to　him。　　They　can
go　bankrupt　either　by　a　depreciation　of　their　currency　or
without　touching　the　gold　standardthrough　a　rise　in　prices。　　In
the　end　both　these　things　work　out　to　the　same　end；　the　creditor
gets　so　many　loaves　or　pairs　of　boots　or　workman's　hours　of
labour　for　his　pound　/less/　than　he　would　have　got　under　the
previous　conditions。　　One　may　imagine　this　process　of　price　（and
of　course　wages）　increase　going　on　to　a　limitless　extent。　　Many
people　are　inclined　to　look　to　such　an　increase　in　prices　as　a
certain　outcome　of　the　war；　and　just　so　far　as　it　goes；　just　so
far　will　the　burthen　of　the　/rentier/　class；　their　call；　tat
is；　for　goods　and　services；　be　lightened。　　This　expectation　is
very　generally　entertained；　and　I　can　see　little　reason　against
it。　　The　intensely　stupid　or　dishonest　〃labour〃　press；　however；
which　in　the　interests　of　the　common　enemy　misrepresents
socialism　and　seeks　to　misguide　labour　in　Great　Britain；　ignores
these　considerations；　and　positively　holds　out　this　prospect　of
rising　prices　as　an　alarming　one　to　the　more　credulous　and
ignorant　of　its　readers。

But　now　comes　the　second　way　of　meeting　the　after…the…war
obligations。　　This　second　way　is　by　increasing　the　wealth　of　the
state　and　by　increasing　the　national　production　to　such　an　extent
that　the　payment　of　the　/rentier/　class　will　not　be　an
overwhelming　burthen。　　Rising　prices　bilk　the　creditor。
Increased　production　will　check　the　rise　in　prices　and　get　him　a
real　payment。　　The　outlook　for　the　national　creditor　seems　to　be
that　he　will　be　partly　bilked　and　partly　paid；　how　far　he　will　be
bilked　and　how　far　depends　almost　entirely　upon　this　possible
increase　in　production；　and　there　is　consequently　a　very　keen　and
quite　unprecedented　desire　very　widely　diffused　among　intelligent
and　active　people；　holding　War　Loan　scrip　and　the　like；　in　all
the　belligerent　countries；　to　see　bold　and　hopeful　schemes　for
state　enrichment　pushed　forward。　　The　movement　towards　socialism
is　receiving　an　impulse　from　a　new　and　unexpected　quarter；　there
is　now　a　/rentier/　socialism；　and　it　is　interesting　to　note
that　while　the　London　/Times/　is　full　of　schemes　of　great
state　enterprises；　for　the　exploitation　of　Colonial　state　lands；
for　the　state　purchase　and　wholesaling　of　food　and　many　natural
products；　and　for　the　syndication　of　shipping　and　the　great
staple　industries　into　vast　trusts　into　which　not　only　the
British　but　the　French　and　Italian　governments　may　enter　as
partners；　the　so…called　socialist　press　of　Great　Britain　is
chiefly　bu