war and the future-第27章

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British　but　the　French　and　Italian　governments　may　enter　as
partners；　the　so…called　socialist　press　of　Great　Britain　is
chiefly　busy　about　the　draughts　in　the　cell　of　Mr。　Fenner
Brockway　and　the　refusal　of　Private　Scott　Duckers　to　put　on　his
khaki　trousers。　　/The　New　Statesman/　and　the　Fabian　Society；
however；　display　a　wider　intelligence。

There　is　a　great　variety　of　suggestions　for　this　increase　of
public　wealth　and　production。　　Many　of　them　have　an　extreme
reasonableness。　　The　extent　to　which　they　will　be　adopted
depends；　no　doubt；　very　largely　upon　the　politician　and　permanent
official；　and　both　these　classes　are　prone　to　panic　in　the
presence　of　reality。　　In　spite　of　its　own　interests　in
restraining　a　rise　in　prices；　the　old　official　〃salariat〃　is
likely　to　be　obstructive　to　any　such　innovations。　　It　is　the
resistance　of　spurs　and　red　tabs　to　military　innovations　over
again。　　This　is　the　resistance　of　quills　and　red　tape。　　On　the
other　hand　the　organisation　of　Britain　for　war　has　〃officialised〃
a　number　of　industrial　leaders；　and　created　a　large　body　of
temporary　and　adventurous　officials。　　They　may　want　to　carry　on
into　peace　production　the　great　new　factories　the　war　has
created。　　At　the　end　of　the　war；　for　example；　every　belligerent
country　will　be　in　urgent　need　of　cheap　automobiles　for　farmers；
tradesmen；　and　industrial　purposes　generally；　America　is　now
producing　such　automobiles　at　a　price　of　eighty　pounds。　　But
Europe　will　be　heavily　in　debt　to　America；　her　industries　will　be
disorganised；　and　there　will　therefore　be　no　sort　of　return
payment　possible　for　these　hundreds　of　thousands　of　automobiles。
A　country　that　is　neither　creditor　nor　producer　cannot　be　an
importer。　　Consequently　though　those　cheap　tin　cars　may　be
stacked　as　high　as　the　Washington　Monument　in　America；　they　will
never　come　to　Europe。　　On　the　other　hand　the　great　shell
factories　of　Europe　will　be　standing　idle　and　ready；　their　staffs
disciplined　and　available；　for　conversion　to　the　new　task。　　The
imperative　common　sense　of　the　position　seems　to　be　that　the
European　governments　should　set　themselves　straight　away　to　out…
Ford　Ford；　and　provide　their　own　people　with　cheap　road
transport。

But　here　comes　in　the　question　whether　this　common…sense　course
is　inevitable。　　Suppose　the　mental　energy　left　in　Europe　after
the　war　is　insufficient　for　such　a　constructive　feat　as　this。
There　will　certainly　be　the　obstruction　of　official　pedantry；　the
hold…up　of　this　vested　interest　and　that；　the　greedy　desire　of
〃private　enterprise〃　to　exploit　the　occasion　upon　rather　more
costly　and　less　productive　lines；　the　general　distrust　felt　by
ignorant　and　unimaginative　people　of　a　new　way　of　doing　things。
The　process　after　all　may　not　get　done　in　the　obviously　wise　way。
This　will　not　mean　that　Europe　will　buy　American　cars。　　It　will
be　quite　unable　to　buy　American　cars。　　It　will　be　unable　to　make
anything　that　America　will　not　be　able　to　make　more　cheaply　for
itself。　　But　it　will　mean　that　Europe　will　go　on　without　cheap
cars；　that　is　to　say　it　will　go　on　a　more　sluggishly　and　clumsily
and　wastefully　at　a　lower　economic　level。　　Hampered　transport
means　hampered　production　of　other　things；　and　in　increasing
inability　to　buy　abroad。　　And　so　we　go　down　and　down。

It　does　not　follow　that　because　a　course　is　the　manifestly　right
and　advantageous　course　for　the　community　that　it　will　be　taken。
I　am　reminded　of　this　by　a　special　basket　in　my　study　here；　into
which　I　pitch　letters；　circulars；　pamphlets　and　so　forth　as　they
come　to　hand　from　a　gentleman　named　Gattie；　and　his　friends　Mr。
Adrian　Ross；　Mr。　Roy　Horniman；　Mr。　Henry　Murray　and　others。　　His
particular　project　is　the　construction　of　a　Railway　Clearing
House　for　London。　　It　is　an　absolutely　admirable　scheme。　　It
would　cut　down　the　heavy　traffic　in　the　streets　of　London　to
about　one…third；　it　would　enable　us　to　run　the　goods　traffic　of
England　with　less　than　half　the　number　of　railway　trucks　we　now
employ；　it　would　turn　over　enormous　areas　of　valuable　land　from
their　present　use　as　railway　goods　yards　and　sidings；　it　would
save　time　in　the　transit　of　goods　and　labour　in　their　handling。
It　is　a　quite　beautifully　worked　out　scheme。　　For　the　last　eight
or　ten　years　this　group　of　devoted　fanatics　has　been　pressing
this　undertaking　upon　an　indifferent　country　with　increasing
vehemence　and　astonishment　at　that　indifference。　　The　point　is
that　its　adoption；　though　it　would　be　of　general　benefit；　would
be　of　no　particular　benefit　to　any　leading　man　or　highly　placed
official。　　On　the　other　hand　it　would　upset　all　sorts　of
individuals　who　are　in　a　position　to　obstruct　it　quietlyand
they　do　so。　　Meaning　no　evil。　　I　dip　my　hand　in　the　accumulation
and　extract　a　leaflet　by　the　all　too　zealous　Mr。　Murray。　　In　it
he　denounces　various　public　officials　by　name　as　he　cheats　and
scoundrels；　and　invites　a　prosecution　for　libel。

In　that　fashion　nothing　will　ever　get　done。　　There　is　no
prosecution；　but　for　all　that　I　do　not　agree　with　Mr。　Murray
about　the　men　he　names。　　These　gentlemen　are　just　comfortable
gentlemen；　own　brothers　to　these　old　generals　of　ours　who　will
not　take　off　their　spurs。　　They　are　probably　quite　charming
people　except　that　they　know　nothing　of　that　Fear　of　God　which
searches　by　heart。　　Why　should　they　bother？

So　many　of　these　after…the…war　problems　bring　one　back　to　the
question　of　how　far　the　war　has　put　the　Fear　of　God　into　the
hearts　of　responsible　men。　　There　is　really　no　other　reason　in
existence　that　I　can　imagine　why　they　should　ask　themselves　the
question；　〃Have　I　done　my　best？〃　　and　that　still　more　important
question；　〃Am　I　doing　my　best　now？〃　　And　so　while　I　hear　plenty
of　talk　about　the　great　reorganisations　that　are　to　come　after
the　war；　while　there　is　the　stir　of　doubt　among　the
/rentiers/　whether；　after　all；　they　will　get　paid；　while　the
unavoidable　stresses　and　sacrifices　of　the　war　are　making　many
people　question　the　rightfulness　of　much　that　they　did　as　a
matter　of　course；　and　of　much　that　they　took　for　granted；　I
perceive　there　is　also　something　dull　and　not　very　articulate　in
this　European　world；　something　resistant　and　inert；　that　is　like
the　obstinate　rolling　over　of　a　heavy　sleeper　after　he　has　been
called　upon　to　get　up。　　〃Just　a　little　longer。。。。　　Just　for
/my/　time。〃

One　thought　alone　seems　to　make　these　more　intractable　people
anxious。　　I　thrust　it　in　as　my　last　stimulant　when　everything
else　has　failed。　　〃There　will　be　/frightful/　trouble　with
labour　after　the　war；〃　I　say。

They　try　to　persuade　themselves　that　military　discipline　is
breaking　in　labour。。。。


2

What　does　British　labour　think　of　the　outlook　after　the　war？

As　a　distinctive　thing　British　labour　does　not　think。　　〃Class…
conscious　labour；〃　as　the　Marxists　put　it；　scarcely　exists　in
Britain。　　The　only　convincing　case　I　ever　met　was　a　bath…chairman
of　literary　habits　Eastbourne。　　The　only　people　who　are；　as　a
class；　class…conscious　in　the　British　community　are　the　Anglican
gentry　and　their　fringe　of　the　genteel。　　Everybody　else　is
〃respectable。〃　　The　mass　of　British　workers　find　their　thinking
in　the　ordinary　halfpenny　papers　or　in　/John　Bull。/　　The　so…
called　labour　papers　are　perhaps　less　representative　of　British
Labour　than　any　other　section　of　the　press；　the　/Labour
Leader/；　for　example；　is　the　organ　of　such　people　as　Bertrand
Russell；　Vernon　Lee；　Morel；　academic　/rentiers/　who　know
about　as　much　as　of　the　labour　side　of　industrialism　as　they　do
of　cock…fighting。　　All　the　British　peoples　are　racially　willing
and　good…tempered　people；　quite　ready　to　be　led　by　those　they
imagine　to　be　abler　than　themselves。　　They　make　the　most　cheerful
and　generous　soldiers　in　the　whole　world；　without　insisting　upon
that　democratic　respect　which　the　Frenchman　exacts。　　They　do　not
criticise　and　they　do　not　trouble　themselves　much　about　the
general　plan　of　operations；　so　long　as　they　have　confidence　in
the　quality　and　good　will　of　their　leading。　　But　British　soldiers
will　of　their　loading。　　But　British　soldiers　will　hiss　a　general
when　they　think　he　is　selfish；　unfeeling；　or　a　muff。　　And　the
socialist　propaganda　has　imported　ideas　of　public　service　into
private　employment。　　Labour　in　Britain　has　been　growing
increasingly　impatient　of　bad　or　selfish　industrial　leadership。
Labour　trouble　in　Great　Britain　turns　wholly　upon　the　idea
crystallised　in　the　one　word　〃profiteer。〃　　Legislation　and
regulation　of　hours　of　labour；　high　wages；　nothing　will　keep
labour　quiet　in　Great　Britain　if　labour　thinks　it　is　being
exploited　for　private　gain。

Labour　feels　very　suspicious　of　private　gain。　　For　that　suspicion
a　certain　rather　common　type　of　employer　is　mainly　to　blame。
Labour　believes　that　employers　is　mainly　to　blame。　　Labour
believes　that　employers　as　a　class　cheat　workmen　as　a　class；　plan
to　cheat　them　of　their　full　share　in　the　common　output；　and　drive
hard　bargains。　　It　believes　that　private　employers　are　equally
ready　to　sacrifice　the　welfare　of　the　nation　and　the　welfare　of
the　workers　for　mere　personal　advantage。　　It　has　a　traditional
experience　to　support　these　suspicions。

In　no　department　of　morals　have　ideas　changed　so　completely
during　the　last　eight　years　as　in　relation　to　〃profits〃。　　Eighty
years　ago　everyone　believed　in　the　divine　right　of　property　to　do
what　it　pleased　its　advantages；　a　doctrine　more　disastrous
socially　than　the　divine　right　of　kings。　　There　was　no　such　sense
of　the　immorality　of　〃holding　up〃　as　pervades　the　public
conscience　to…day。　　The　worker　was　expected　not　only　to　work；　but
to　be　grateful　for　employment。　　The　property　owner　held　his
property　and　handed　it　out　for　use　and　development　or　not；　just
as　he　thought　fit。　　These　ideas　are　not　altogether　extinct　today。
Only　a　few　days　ago　I　met　a　magnificent　old　lady　of　seventy　nine
or　eighty；　who　discoursed　upon　the　wickedness　of　her　gardener　in
demanding　another　shilling　a　week　because　of　war　prices。

She　was　a　valiant　and　handsome　personage。　　A　face　that　had　still
a　healthy　natural　pinkness　looked　out　from　under　blond　curls；　and
an　elegant　and　carefully　tended　hand　tossed　back　some　fine　old
lace　to　gesticulate　more　freely。　　She　had　previously　charmed　her
hearers　by　sweeping　aside　certain　rumours　that　were　drifting
about。

〃Germans　invade　/Us！/〃　she　cried。　　〃Who'd　/let/　'em；
I'd　like　to　know？　　Who'd　/let/　'em？〃

And　then　she　reverted　to　her　grievance　about　the　gardener。

〃I　told　him　that　after　the　war　he'd　be　glad　enough　to　get
anything。　　Grateful！　　They'll　all　be　coming　back　after　the　war
all　of　'em；　glad　enough　to　get　anything。　　Asking　for　another
shilling　indeed！〃

Everyone　who　heard　her　looked　shocked。　　But　that　was　the　tone　of
everyone　of　importance　in　the　dark　years　that　followed　the
Napoleonic　wars。　　That　is　just　one　survivor　of　the　old　tradition。
Another　is　Blight　the　solicitor；　who　goes　about　bewailing　the
fact　that　we　writers　are　〃holding　out　false　hopes　of　higher
agricultural　wages　after　the　war。〃　　But　these　are　both
exceptions。　　They　are　held　to　be　remarkable　people　even　by　their
own　class。　　The　mass　of　property　owners　and　influential　people　in
Europe　to…day　no　more　believe　in　the　s