war and the future-第30章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


of　Great　Britain　by　proclaiming　that　Germany　wants　peace。　　We
knew　that。　　But　what　sort　of　peace？　　It　would　seem　that　we　are
promised　vaguely　evacuation　and　reparation　on　the　western
frontier；　and　in　addition　there　are　to　be　guaranteesbut　it　is
quite　evident　that　they　are　altogether　different　guarantees　from
Mr。　Asquith'sthat　nothing　of　the　sort　is　ever　to　happen　again。
The　programme　of　the　British　and　their　Allies　seems　to
contemplate　something　like　a　forcible　disarmament　and　military
occupation　of　Belgium；　the　desertion　of　Serbia　and　Russia；　and
the　surrender　to　Germany　of　every　facility　for　a　later　and　more
successful　German　offensive　in　the　west。　　But　it　is　clear　that　on
these　terms　as　stated　the　war　must　go　on　to　the　definite　defeat
of　one　side　or　the　other；　or　a　European　chaos。　　They　are
irreconcilable　sets　of　terms。

Yet　it　is　hard　to　say　how　they　can　be　modified　on　either　side；　if
the　war　is　to　be　decided　only　between　the　belligerents　and　by
standards　of　national　interest　only；　without　reference　to　any
other　considerations。　　Our　Allies　would　be　insane　to　leave　the
Hohenzollern　at　the　end　of　the　war　with　a　knife　in　his　hand；
after　the　display　he　has　made　of　his　quality。　　To　surrender　his
knife　means　for　the　Hohenzollern　the　abandonment　of　his　dreams；
the　repudiation　of　the　entire　education　and　training　of　Germany
for　half　a　century。　　When　we　realise　the　fatality　of　this
antagonism；　we　realise　how　it　is　that；　in　this　present
anticipation　of　hell；　the　weary；　wasted　and　tormented　nations
must　still　sustain　their　monstrous　dreary　struggle。　　And　that　is
why　this　thought　that　possible　there　may　be　a　side　way　out；　a
sort　of　turning　over　of　the　present　endlessly　hopeless　game　into
a　new　and　different　and　manageable　game　through　the　introduction
of　some　external　factor；　creeps　and　spreads　as　I　find　it　creeping
and　spreading。

That　is　what　the　finer　intelligences　of　America　are　beginning　to
realise；　and　why　men　in　Europe　continually　turn　their　eyes　to
America；　with　a　surmise；　with　a　doubt。

A　point　of　departure　for　very　much　thinking　in　this　matter　is　the
recent　speech　of　President　Wilson　that　heralded　the　present
discussion。　　All　Europe　was　impressed　by　the　truth；　and　by
President　Wilson's　recognition　of　the　truth；　that　from　any　other
great　war　after　this　America　will　be　unable　to　abstain。　　Can
America　come　into　this　dispute　at　the　end　to　insist　upon
something　better　than　a　new　diplomatic　patchwork；　and　so　obviate
the　later　completer　Armageddon？　　Is　there；　above　the　claims　and
passions　of　Germany；　France；　Britain；　and　the　rest　of　them；　a
conceivable　right　thing　to　do　for　all　mankind；　that　it　might　also
be　in　the　interest　of　America　to　support？　　Is　there　a　Third　Party
solution；　so　to　speak；　which　may　possibly　be　the　way　out　from
this　war？

And　further　I　would　go　on　to　ask；　is　not　this　present　exchange　of
Notes；　appealing　to　the　common　sense　of　the　world；　really　the
beginning；　and　the　proper　beginning；　of　the　unprecedented　Peace
Negotiations　to　end　this　unprecedented　war？　　And；　I　submit；　the
longer　this　open　discussion　goes　on　before　the　doors　close　upon
the　secret　peace　congress　the　better　for　mankind。


2

Let　me　sketch　out　here　what　I　conceive　to　be　the　essentials　of　a
world　settlement。　　Some　of　the　items　are　the　mere　commonplaces　of
everyone　who　discusses　this　question；　some　are　less　frequently
insisted　upon。　　I　have　been　joining　up　one　thing　to　another；
suggestions　I　have　heard　from　this　man　and　that；　and　I　believe
that　it　is　really　possible　to　state　a　solution　that　will　be
acceptable　to　the　bulk　of　reasonable　men　all　about　the　world。
Directly　we　put　the　panic…massacres　of　Dinant　and　Louvain；　the
crime　of　the　/Lusitania/　and　so　on　into　the　category　of
symptoms　rather　than　essentials；　outrages　that　call　for　special
punishments　and　reparations；　but　that　do　not　enter　further　into
the　ultimate　settlement；　we　can　begin　to　conceive　a　possible
world　treaty。　　Let　me　state　the　broad　outlines　of　this
pacification。　　The　outlines　depend　one　upon　the　other；　each　is　a
condition　of　the　other。　　It　is　upon　these　lines　that　the
thoughtful；　as　distinguished　from　the　merely　the　combative
people；　seem　to　be　drifting　everywhere。

In　the　first　place；　it　is　agreed　that　there　would　have　to　be　an
identical　treaty　between　all　the　great　powers　of　the　world
binding　them　to　certain　things。　　It　would　have　to　provide：…


That　the　few　great　industrial　states　capable　of　producing　modern
war　equipment　should　take　over　and　control　completely　the
manufacture　of　all　munitions　of　war　in　the　world。　　And　that　they
should　absolutely　close　the　supply　of　such　material　to　all　the
other　states　in　the　world。　　This　is　a　far　easier　task　than　many
people　suppose。　　War　has　now　been　so　developed　on　its　mechanical
side　that　the　question　of　its　continuance　or　abolition　rests　now
entirely　upon　four　or　five　great　powers。

Next　comes　the　League　of　Peace　idea；　that　there　should　be　an
International　Tribunal　for　the　discussion　and　settlement　of
international　disputes。　　That　the　dominating　powers　should
maintain　land　and　sea　forces　only　up　to　a　limit　agreed　upon　and
for　internal　police　use　only　or　for　the　purpose　of　enforcing　the
decisions　of　the　Tribunal。　　That　they　should　all　be　bound　to
attack　and　suppress　any　power　amongst　them　which　increases　its
war　equipment　beyond　its　defined　limits。

That　much　has　already　been　broached　in　several　quarters。　　But　so
far　is　not　enough。　　It　ignores　the　chief　processes　of　that
economic　war　that　aids　and　abets　and　is　inseparably　a　part　of
modern　international　conflicts。　　If　we　are　to　go　as　far　as　we
have　already　stated　in　the　matter　of　international　controls；　then
we　must　go　further　and　provide　that　the　International　Tribunal
should　have　power　to　consider　and　set　aside　all　tariffs　and
localised　privileges　that　seem　grossly　unfair　or　seriously
irritating　between　the　various　states　of　the　world。　　It　should
have　power　to　pass　or　revise　all　new　tariff；　quarantine；　alien
exclusion；　or　the　like　legislation　affecting　international
relations。　　Moreover；　it　should　take　over　and　extend　the　work　of
the　International　Bureau　of　Agriculture　at　Rome　with　a　view　to
the　control　of　all　staple　products。　　It　should　administer　the　sea
law　of　the　world；　and　control　and　standardise　freights　in　the
common　interests　of　mankind。　　Without　these　provisions　it　would
be　merely　preventing　the　use　of　certain　weapons；　it　would　be
doing　nothing　to　prevent　countries　strangling　or　suffocating　each
other　by　commercial　warfare。　　It　would　not　abolish　war。

Now　upon　this　issue　people　do　not　seem　to　me　to　be　yet　thinking
very　clearly。　　It　is　the　exception　to　find　anyone　among　the　peace
talkers　who　really　grasps　how　inseparably　the　necessity　for　free
access　for　everyone　to　natural　products；　to　coal　and　tropical
products；　e。g。　　free　shipping　at　non…discriminating　tariffs；　and
the　recognition　by　a　Tribunal　of　the　principle　of　common　welfare
in　trade　matters；　is　bound　up　with　the　ideal　of　a　permanent　world
peace。　　But　any　peace　that　does　not　provide　for　these　things　will
be　merely　laying　down　of　the　sword　in　order　to　take　up　the
cudgel。　　And　a　〃peace〃　that　did　not　rehabilitate　industrial
Belgium；　Poland；　and　the　north　of　France　would　call　imperatively
for　the　imposition　upon　the　Allies　of　a　system　of　tariffs　in　the
interests　of　these　countries；　and　for　a　bitter　economic　〃war
after　the　war〃　against　Germany。　　That　restoration　is；　of　course；
an　implicit　condition　to　any　attempt　to　set　up　an　economic　peace
in　the　world。

These　things　being　arranged　for　the　future；　it　would　be　further
necessary　to　set　up　an　International　Boundary　Commission；　subject
to　certain　defining　conditions　agreed　upon　by　the　belligerents；
to　re…draw　the　map　of　Europe；　Asia；　and　Africa。　　This　war　does
afford　an　occasion　such　as　the　world　may　never　have　again　of
tracing　out　the　〃natural　map〃　of　mankind；　the　map　that　will
secure　the　maximum　of　homogeneity　and　the　minimum　of　racial　and
economic　freedom。　　All　idealistic　people　hope　for　a　restored
Poland。　　But　it　is　a　childish　thing　to　dream　of　a　contented
Poland　with　Posen　still　under　the　Prussian　heel；　with　Cracow　cut
off；　and　without　a　Baltic　port。　　These　claims　of　Poland　to
completeness　have　a　higher　sanction　than　the　mere　give　and　take
of　belligerents　in　congress。

Moreover　this　International　Tribunal；　if　it　was　indeed　to　prevent
war；　would　need　also　to　have　power　to　intervene　in　the　affairs　of
any　country　or　region　in　a　state　of　open　and　manifest　disorder；
for　the　protection　of　foreign　travellers　and　of　persons　and
interests　localised　in　that　country　but　foreign　to　it。

Such　an　agreement　as　I　have　here　sketched　out　would　at　once　lift
international　politics　out　of　the　bloody　and　hopeless　squalor　of
the　present　conflict。　　It　is；　I　venture　to　assert；　the　peace　of
the　reasonable　man　in　any　country　whatever。　　But　it　needs　the
attention　of　such　a　disengaged　people　as　the　American　people　to
work　it　out　and　supply　it　withweight。　　It　needs　putting　before
the　world　with　some　sort　of　authority　greater　than　its　mere
entire　reasonableness。　　Otherwise　it　will　not　come　before　the
minds　of　ordinary　men　with　the　effect　of　a　practicable
proposition。　　I　do　not　see　any　such　plant　springing　from　the
European　battlefields。　　It　is　America's　supreme　opportunity。　　And
yet　it　is　the　common　sense　of　the　situation；　and　the　solution
that　must　satisfy　a　rational　German　as　completely　as　a　rational
Frenchman　or　Englishman。　　It　has　nothing　against　it　but　the
prejudice　against　new　and　entirely　novel　things。


3

In　throwing　out　the　suggestion　that　America　should　ultimately
undertake　the　responsibility　of　proposing　a　world　peace
settlement；　I　admit　that　I　run　counter　to　a　great　deal　of
European　feeling。　　Nowhere　in　Europe　now　do　people　seem　to　be　in
love　with　the　United　States。　　But　feeling　is　a　colour　that
passes。　　And　the　question　is　above　matters　of　feeling。　　Whether
the　belligerents　dislike　Americans　or　the　Americans　dislike　the
belligerents　is　an　incidental　matter。　　The　main　question　is　of
the　duty　of　a　great　and　fortunate　nation　towards　the　rest　of　the
world　and　the　future　of　mankind。

I　do　not　know　how　far　Americans　are　aware　of　the　trend　of　feeling
in　Europe　at　the　present　time。　　Both　France　and　Great　Britain
have　a　sense　of　righteousness　in　this　war　such　as　no　nation；　no
people；　has　ever　felt　in　war　before。　　We　know　we　are　fighting　to
save　all　the　world　from　the　rule　of　force　and　the　unquestioned
supremacy　of　the　military　idea。　　Few　Frenchmen　or　Englishmen　can
imagine　the　war　presenting　itself　to　an　American　intelligence
under　any　other　guise。　　At　the　invasion　of　Belgium　we　were
astonished　that　America　did　nothing。　　At　the　sinking　of　the
/Lusitania/　all　Europe　looked　to　America。　　The　British　mind
contemplates　the　spectacle　of　American　destroyers　acting　as
bottleholders　to　German　submarines　with　a　dazzled　astonishment。
〃Manila；〃　we　gasp。　　In　England　we　find　excuses　for　America　in　our
own　past。　　In　'64　we　betrayed　Denmark；　in　'70　we　deserted　France。
The　French　have　not　these　memories。　　They　do　not　understand　the
damning　temptations　of　those　who　feel　they　are　〃/au…dessus　de
la　melee。/〃　They　believe　they　had　some　share　in