the cleveland era-第17章

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ere　were　numerous　other　labor　parties　of　local　origin　and　composition；　with　trade　unionists　predominating　in　some　places　and　Socialists　in　others。　Very　early；　however；　these　parties　showed　a　tendency　to　division　that　indicated　a　clash　of　incompatible　elements。　Single　taxers；　greenbackers；　labor　leaders；　grangers；　and　socialists　were　agreed　only　in　condemning　existing　public　policy。　When　they　came　to　consider　the　question　of　what　new　policy　should　be　adopted；　they　immediately　manifested　irreconcilable　differences。　In　1888；　rival　national　conventions　were　held　in　Cincinnati；　one　designating　itself　as　the　Union　Labor　party；　the　other　as　the　United　Labor　party。　One　made　a　schedule　of　particular　demands；　the　other　insisted　on　the　single　tax　as　the　consummation　of　their　purpose　in　seeking　reform。　Both　put　presidential　tickets　in　the　field；　but　of　the　two；　the　Union　Labor　party　made　by　far　the　better　showing　at　the　polls　though；　even　so；　it　polled　fewer　votes　than　did　the　National　Prohibition　party。　Although　making　no　very　considerable　showing　at　the　polls；　these　new　movements　were　very　significant　as　evidences　of　popular　unrest。　The　fact　that　the　heaviest　vote　of　the　Union　Labor　party　was　polled　in　the　agricultural　States　of　Kansas；　Missouri；　and　Texas；　was　a　portent　of　the　sweep　of　the　populist　movement　which　virtually　captured　the　Democratic　party　organization　during　President　Cleveland's　second　term。

The　withdrawal　of　Blaine　from　the　list　of　presidential　candidates　in　1888　left　the　Republican　Convention　at　Chicago　to　choose　from　a　score　of　〃favorite　sons。〃　Even　his　repeated　statement　that　he　would　not　accept　the　nomination　did　not　prevent　his　enthusiastic　followers　from　hoping　that　the　convention　might　be　〃stampeded。〃　But　on　the　first　ballot；　Blaine　received　only　thirty…five　votes　while　John　Sherman　led　with　229。　It　was　anybody's　race　until　the　eighth　ballot；　when　General　Benjamin　Harrison；　grandson　of　〃Tippecanoe；〃　suddenly　forged　ahead　and　received　the　nomination。

The　defeat　of　the　Democratic　party　at　the　polls　in　the　presidential　election　of　1888　was　less　emphatic　than　might　have　been　expected　from　its　sorry　record。　Indeed；　it　is　quite　possible　that　an　indiscretion　in　which　Lord　Sackville…West；　the　British　Ambassador；　was　caught　may　have　turned　the　scale。　An　adroitly　worded　letter　was　sent　to　him；　purporting　to　come　from　Charles　Murchison；　a　California　voter　of　English　birth；　asking　confidential　advice　which　might　enable　the　writer　〃to　assure　many　of　our　countrymen　that　they　would　do　England　a　service　by　voting　for　Cleveland　and　against　the　Republican　system　of　tariff。〃　With　an　astonishing　lack　of　astuteness；　the　British　minister　fell　into　the　trap　and　sent　a　reply　which；　while　noncommittal　on　particulars；　exhibited　friendly　interest　in　the　reelection　of　President　Cleveland。　This　correspondence；　when　published　late　in　the　campaign；　caused　the　Administration　to　demand　his　recall。　A　spirited　statement　of　the　case　was　laid　before　the　public　by　Thomas　Francis　Bayard；　Secretary　of　State；　a　few　days　before　the　election；　but　this　was　not　enough　to　undo　the　harm　that　had　been　done；　and　the　Murchison　letter　takes　rank　with　the　Morey　letter　attributed　to　General　Garfield　as　specimens　of　the　value　of　the　campaign　lie　as　a　weapon　in　American　party　politics。

President　Cleveland　received　a　slight　plurality　in　the　total　popular　vote；　but　by　small　pluralities　Harrison　carried　the　big　States；　thus　obtaining　a　heavy　majority　in　the　electoral　vote。　At　the　same　time；　the　Republicans　obtained　nearly　as　large　a　majority　in　the　House　as　the　Democrats　had　had　before。



CHAPTER　VIII。　THE　REPUBLICAN　OPPORTUNITY

The　Republican　party　had　the　inestimable　advantage　in　the　year　1889　of　being　able　to　act。　It　controlled　the　Senate　which　had　become　the　seat　of　legislative　authority；　it　controlled　the　House；　and　it　had　placed　its　candidate　in　the　presidential　chair。　All　branches　of　the　Government　were　now　in　party　accord。　The　leaders　in　both　Houses　were　able　men；　experienced　in　the　diplomacy　which；　far　more　than　argument　or　conviction；　produces　congressional　action。　Benjamin　Harrison　himself　had　been　a　member　of　the　ruling　group　of　Senators；　and　as　he　was　fully　imbued　with　their　ideas　as　to　the　proper　place　of　the　President　he　was　careful　to　avoid　interference　with　legislative　procedure。　Such　was　the　party　harmony　that　an　extensive　program　of　legislation　was　put　through　without　serious　difficulty；　after　obstruction　had　been　overcome　in　the　House　by　an　amendment　of　the　rules。

In　the　House　of　Representatives；　the　quorum　is　a　majority　of　the　whole　membership。　This　rule　enabled　the　minority　to　stop　business　at　any　time　when　the　majority　party　was　not　present　in　sufficient　strength　to　maintain　the　quorum　by　its　own　vote。　On　several　occasions；　the　Democrats　left　the　House　nominally　without　a　quorum　by　the　subterfuge　of　refusing　to　answer　to　their　names　on　the　roll　call。　Speaker　Reed　determined　to　end　this　practice　by　counting　as　present　any　members　actually　in　the　chamber。　To　the　wrath　of　the　minority；　he　assumed　this　authority　while　a　revision　of　the　rules　was　pending。　The　absurdity　of　the　Democratic　position　was　naively　exposed　when　a　member　arose　with　a　law　book　in　his　hand　and　said；　〃I　deny　your　right；　Mr。　Speaker；　to　count　me　as　present；　and　I　desire　to　read　from　the　parliamentary　law　on　the　subject。〃　Speaker　Reed；　with　the　nasal　drawl　that　was　his　habit；　replied；　〃The　Chair　is　making　a　statement　of　fact　that　the　gentleman　from　Kentucky　is　present？　Does　he　deny　it？〃　The　rejoinder　was　so　apposite　that　the　House　broke　into　a　roar　of　laughter；　and　the　Speaker　carried　his　point。

Undoubtedly；　Speaker　Reed　was　violating　all　precedents。　Facilities　of　obstruction　had　been　cherished　by　both　parties；　and　nothing　short　of　Reed's　earnestness　and　determination　could　have　effected　this　salutary　reform。　The　fact　has　since　been　disclosed　that　he　had　made　up　his　mind　to　resign　the　Speakership　and　retire　from　public　life　had　his　party　failed　to　support　him。　For　three　days；　the　House　was　a　bedlam；　but　the　Speaker　bore　himself　throughout　with　unflinching　courage　and　unruffled　composure。　Eventually　he　had　his　way。　New　rules　were　adopted；　and　the　power　to　count　a　quorum　was　established。*　When　in　later　Congresses　a　Democratic　majority　returned　to　the　former　practice；　Reed　gave　them　such　a　dose　of　their　own　medicine　that　for　weeks　the　House　was　unable　to　keep　a　quorum。　Finally；　the　House　was　forced　to　return　to　the　〃Reed　rules〃　which　have　since　then　been　permanently　retained。　As　a　result　of　congressional　example；　they　have　been　generally　adopted　by　American　legislative　bodies；　with　a　marked　improvement　in　their　capacity　to　do　business。

*　The　rule　that　〃no　dilatory　motion　shall　be　entertained　by　the　Speaker〃　was　also　adopted　at　this　time。


With　the　facilities　of　action　which　they　now　possessed；　the　Republican　leaders　had　no　difficulty　in　getting　rid　of　the　surplus　in　the　Treasury。　Indeed；　in　this　particular　they　could　count　on　Democratic　aid。　The　main　conduit　which　they　used　was　an　increase　of　pension　expenditures。　President　Harrison　encouraged　a　spirit　of　broad　liberality　toward　veterans　of　the　Civil　War。　During　the　campaign　he　said　that　it　〃was　no　time　to　be　weighing　the　claims　of　old　soldiers　with　apothecary's　scales；〃　and　he　put　this　principle　of　generous　recognition　into　effect　by　appointing　as　commissioner　of　pensions　a　robust　partisan　known　as　〃Corporal〃　Tanner。　The　report　went　abroad　that　on　taking　office　he　had　gleefully　declared；　〃God　help　the　surplus；〃　and　upon　that　maxim　he　acted　with　unflinching　vigor。　It　seemed；　indeed；　as　if　any　claim　could　count　upon　being　allowed　so　long　as　it　purported　to　come　from　an　old　soldier。　But　Tanner's　ambition　was　not　satisfied　with　an　indulgent　consideration　of　applications　pending　during　his　time；　he　reopened　old　cases；　rerated　a　large　number　of　pensioners；　and　increased　the　amount　of　their　allowance。　In　some　cases；　large　sums　were　granted　as　arrears　due　on　the　basis　of　the　new　rate。　A　number　of　officers　of　the　pension　bureau　were　thus　favored；　for　a　man　might　receive　a　pension　on　the　score　of　disability　though　still　able　to　hold　office　and　draw　its　salary　and　emoluments。　For　example；　the　sum　of　4300　in　arrears　was　declared　to　be　due　to　a　member　of　the　United　States　Senate；　Charles　F。　Manderson　of　Nebraska。　Finally；　〃Corporal〃　Tanner's　extravagant　management　became　so　intolerable　to　the　Secretary　of　the　Interior　that　he　confronted　President　Harrison　with　the　choice　of　accepting　his　resignation　or　dismissing　Tanner。　Tanner　therefore　had　to　go；　and　with　him　his　system　of　reratings。

A　pension　bill　for　dependents；　such　as　Cleveland　had　vetoed；　now　went　triumphantly　through　Congress。*　It　granted　pensions　of　from　six　to　twelve　dollars　a　month　to　all　persons　who　had　served　for　ninety　days　in　the　Civil　War　and　had　thereby　been　incapacitated　for　manual　labor　to　such　a　degree　as　to　be　unable　to　support　themselves。　Pensions　were　also　granted　to　widows；　minor　children；　and　dependent　parents。　This　law　brought　in　an　enormous　flood　of　claims　in　passing；　upon　which　it　was　the　policy　of　the　Pension　Bureau　to　practice　great　indulgence。　In　one　instance；　a　pension　was　granted　to　a　claimant　who　had　enlisted　but　never　really　served　in　the　army　as　he　had　deserted　soon　after　entering　the　camp。　He　thereupon　had　been　sentenced　to　hard　labor　for　one　year　and　made　to　forfeit　all　pay　and　allowances。　After　the　war；　he　had　been　convicted　of　horse　stealing　and　sent　to　the　state　penitentiary　in　Wisconsin。　While　serving　his　term；　he　presented　a　pension　claim　supported　by　forged　testimony　to　the　effect　that　he　had　been　wounded　in　the　battle　of　Franklin。　The　fraud　was　discovered　by　a　special　examiner　of　the　pension　office；　and　the　claimant　and　some　of　his　witnesses　were　tried　for　perjury；　convicted；　and　sent　to　the　state　penitentiary　at　Joliet；　Illinois。　After　serving　his　time　there；　he　posed　as　a　neglected　old　soldier　and　succeeded　in　obtaining　letters　from　sympathetic　Congressmen　commending　his　case　to　the　attention　of　the　pension　office；　but　without　avail　until　the　Act　of　1890　was　passed。　He　then　put　in　a　claim　which　was　twice　rejected　by　the　pension　office　examiners；　but　each　time　the　decision　was　overruled；　and　in　the　end　he　was　put　upon　the　pension　roll。　This　case　is　only　one　of　many　made　possible　by　lax　methods　of　investigating　pension　claims。　Senator　Gallinger　of　New　Hampshire　eventually　said　of　the　effect　of　pension　policy；　as　shaped　by　his　own　party　with　his　own　aid：

〃If　there　was　any　soldier　on　the　Union　side　during　the　Civil　War　who　was　not　a　good　soldier；　who　has　not　received　a　pension；　I　do　not　know　who　he　is。　He　can　always　find　men　of　his　own　type；　equally　poor　soldiers　who　would　swear　that　they　knew　he　had　been　in　a　hospital　at　a　certain　time；　whether　he　was　or　notthe　records　did　not　state　it；　but　they　knew　it　was　soand　who　would　also　swear　that　they　knew　he　had　received　a　shock　which　affected　his　hearing　during　a　certain　battle；　or　that　something　else　had　happened　to　him；　and　so　all　those　pension　claims；　many　of　which　are　worthless；　have　been　allowed　by　the　Government；　because　they　were　'proved。'〃

*　June　27；　1890。


The　increase　in　the　expenditure　for　pensions；　which　rose　from　88；000；000　in　1889　to　159；000；000　in　1893；　swept　away　much