north america-2-第41章

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ation；　I　must　explain　how　the　South　was　again　favored　with　reference　to　its　representation。　As　a　matter　of　course　no　slaves；　or　even　negroesno　men　of　color　were　to　vote　in　the　Southern　States。　　Therefore；　one　would　say；　that　in　counting　up　the　people　with　reference　to　the　number　of　the　representatives；　the　colored　population　should　be　ignored　altogether。　　But　it　was　claimed　on　behalf　of　the　South　that　their　property　in　slaves　should　be　represented；　and　in　compliance　with　this　claim；　although　no　slave　can　vote　or　in　any　way　demand　the　services　of　a　representative；　the　colored　people　are　reckoned　among　the　population。　　When　the　numbers　of　the　free　persons　are　counted；　to　this　number　is　added　〃three…fifths　of　all　other　persons。〃　　Five　slaves　are　thus　supposed　to　represent　three　white　persons。　　From　the　wording；　one　would　be　led　to　suppose　that　there　was　some　other　category　into　which　a　man　might　be　put　besides　that　of　free　or　slave！　　But　it　may　be　observed；　that　on　this　subject　of　slavery　the　framers　of　the　Constitution　were　tender…mouthed。　　They　never　speak　of　slavery　or　of　a　slave。　　It　is　necessary　that　the　subject　should　be　mentioned；　and　therefore　we　hear　first　of　persons　other　than　free；　and　then　of　persons　bound　to　labor！　Such　were　the　rules　laid　down　for　the　formation　of　Congress；　and　the　letter　of　those　rules　has；　I　think；　been　strictly　observed。　　I　have　not　thought　it　necessary　to　give　all　the　clauses；　but　I　believe　I　have　stated　those　which　are　essential　to　a　general　understanding　of　the　basis　upon　which　Congress　is　founded。　The　Constitution　ordains　that　members　of　both　the　Houses　shall　be　paid　for　their　time；　but　it　does　not　decree　the　amount。　　〃The　Senators　and　Representatives　shall　receive　a　compensation　for　their　services；　to　be　ascertained　by　law；　and　paid　out　of　the　treasury　of　the　United　States。〃　　In　the　remarks　which　I　have　made　as　to　the　present　Congress　I　have　spoken　of　the　amount　now　allowed。　　The　understanding；　I　believe；　is　that　the　pay　shall　be　enough　for　the　modest　support　of　a　man　who　is　supposed　to　have　raised　himself　above　the　heads　of　the　crowd。　　Much　may　be　said　in　favor　of　this　payment　of　legislators；　but　very　much　may　also　be　said　against　it。　　There　was　a　time　when　our　members　of　the　House　of　Commons　were　entitled　to　payment　for　their　services；　and　when；　at　any　rate；　some　of　them　took　the　money。　　It　may　be　that　with　a　new　nation　such　an　arrangement　was　absolutely　necessary。　　Men　whom　the　people　could　trust；　and　who　would　have　been　able　to　give　up　their　time　without　payment；　would　not　have　probably　been　found　in　a　new　community。　　The　choice　of　Senators　and　of　Representatives　would　have　been　so　limited　that　the　legislative　power　would　have　fallen　into　the　hands　of　a　few　rich　men。　　Indeed；　it　may　be　said　that　such　payment　was　absolutely　necessary　in　the　early　days　of　the　life　of　the　Union。　　But　no　one；　I　think；　will　deny　that　the　tone　of　both　Houses　would　be　raised　by　the　gratuitous　service　of　the　legislators。　　It　is　well　known　that　politicians　find　their　way　into　the　Senate　and　into　the　chamber　of　Representatives　solely　with　a　view　to　the　loaves　and　fishes。　　The　very　word　〃politician〃　is　foul　and　unsavory　throughout　the　States；　and　means　rather　a　political　blackleg　than　a　political　patriot。　　It　is　useless　to　blink　this　matter　in　speaking　of　the　politics　and　policy　of　the　United　States。　　The　corruption　of　the　venal　politicians　of　the　nation　stinks　aloud　in　the　nostrils　of　all　men。　It　behoves　the　country　to　look　to　this。　　It　is　time　now　that　she　should　do　so。　　The　people　of　the　nation　are　educated　and　clever。　The　women　are　bright　and　beautiful。　　Her　charity　is　profuse；　her　philanthropy　is　eager　and　true；　her　national　ambition　is　noble　and　honesthonest　in　the　cause　of　civilization。　　But　she　has　soiled　herself　with　political　corruption；　and　has　disgraced　the　cause　of　republican　government　by　the　dirt　of　those　whom　she　has　placed　in　her　high　places。　　Let　her　look　to　it　now。　　She　is　nobly　ambitious　of　reputation　throughout　the　earth；　she　desires　to　be　called　good　as　well　as　great；　to　be　regarded　not　only　as　powerful；　but　also　as　beneficent。　　She　is　creating　an　army；　she　is　forging　cannon；　and　preparing　to　build　impregnable　ships　of　war。　　But　all　these　will　fail　to　satisfy　her　pride；　unless　she　can　cleanse　herself　from　that　corruption　by　which　her　political　democracy　has　debased　itself。　　A　politician　should　be　a　man　worthy　of　all　honor；　in　that　he　loves　his　country；　and　not　one　worthy　of　all　contempt；　in　that　he　robs　his　country。　I　must　not　be　understood　as　saying　that　every　Senator　and　Representative　who　takes　his　pay　is　wrong　in　taking　it。　　Indeed；　I　have　already　expressed　an　opinion　that　such　payments　were　at　first　necessary；　and　I　by　no　means　now　say　that　the　necessity　has　as　yet　disappeared。　　In　the　minds　of　thorough　democrats　it　will　be　considered　much　that　the　poorest　man　of　the　people　should　be　enabled　to　go　into　the　legislature；　if　such　poorest　man　be　worthy　of　that　honor。　　I　am　not　a　thorough　democrat；　and　consider　that　more　would　be　gained　by　obtaining　in　the　legislature　that　education；　demeanor；　and　freedom　from　political　temptation　which　easy　circumstances　produce。　　I　am　not；　however；　on　this　account　inclined　to　quarrel　with　the　democratsnot　on　that　account　if　they　can　so　manage　their　affairs　that　their　poor　and　popular　politicians　shall　be　fairly　honest　men。　　But　I　am　a　thorough　republican；　regarding　our　own　English　form　of　government　as　the　most　purely　republican　that　I　know；　and　as　such　I　have　a　close　and　warm　sympathy　with　those　Transatlantic　anti…monarchical　republicans　who　are　endeavoring　to　prove　to　the　world　that　they　have　at　length　founded　a　political　Utopia。　　I　for　one　do　not　grudge　them　all　the　good　they　can　do；　all　the　honor　they　can　win。　　But　I　grieve　over　the　evil　name　which　now　taints　them；　and　which　has　accompanied　that　wider　spread　of　democracy　which　the　last　twenty　years　has　produced。　　This　longing　for　universal　suffrage　in　all　thingsin　voting　for　the　President；　in　voting　for　judges；　in　voting　for　the　Representatives；　in　dictating　to　Senatorshas　come　up　since　the　days　of　President　Jackson；　and　with　it　has　come　corruption　and　unclean　hands。　Democracy　must　look　to　it；　or　the　world　at　large　will　declare　her　to　have　failed。　One　would　say　that　at　any　rate　the　Senate　might　be　filled　with　unpaid　servants　of　the　public。　　Each　State　might　surely　find　two　men　who　could　afford　to　attend　to　the　public　weal　of　their　country　without　claiming　a　compensation　for　their　time。　　In　England　we　find　no　difficulty　in　being　so　served。　　Those　cities　among　us　in　which　the　democratic　element　most　strongly　abounds；　can　procure　representatives　to　their　minds；　even　though　the　honor　of　filling　the　position　is　not　only　not　remunerative；　but　is　very　costly。　　I　cannot　but　think　that　the　Senate　of　the　United　States　would　stand　higher　in　the　public　estimation　of　its　own　country　if　it　were　an　unpaid　body　of　men。　It　is　enjoined　that　no　person　holding　any　office　under　the　United　States　shall　be　a　member　of　either　House　during　his　continuance　in　office。　　At　first　sight　such　a　rule　as　this　appears　to　be　good　in　its　nature；　but　a　comparison　of　the　practice　of　the　United　States　government　with　that　of　our　own　makes　me　think　that　this　embargo　on　members　of　the　legislative　bodies　is　a　mistake。　　It　prohibits　the　President's　ministers　from　a　seat　in　either　house；　and　thereby　relieves　them　from　the　weight　of　that　responsibility　to　which　our　ministers　are　subjected。　　It　is　quite　true　that　the　United　States　ministers　cannot　be　responsible　as　are　our　ministers；　seeing　that　the　President　himself　is　responsible；　and　that　the　Queen　is　not　so。　Indeed；　according　to　the　theory　of　the　American　Constitution；　the　President　has　no　ministers。　　The　Constitution　speaks　only　of　the　principal　officers　of　the　executive　departments。　　〃He〃　（the　President）　〃may　require　the　opinion　in　writing　of　the　principal　officer　in　each　of　the　executive　departments。〃　　But　in　practice　he　has　his　cabinet；　and　the　irresponsibility　of　that　cabinet　would　practically　cease　if　the　members　of　it　were　subjected　to　the　questionings　of　the　two　Houses。　　With　us　the　rule　which　prohibits　servants　of　the　State　from　going　into　Parliament　is；　like　many　of　our　constitutional　rules；　hard　to　be　defined；　and　yet　perfectly　understood。　　It　may　perhaps　be　said；　with　the　nearest　approach　to　a　correct　definition；　that　permanent　servants　of　the　State　may　not　go　into　Parliament；　and　that　those　may　do　so　whose　services　are　political；　depending　for　the　duration　of　their　term　on　the　duration　of　the　existing　ministry。　　But　even　this　would　not　be　exact；　seeing　that　the　Master　of　the　Rolls　and　the　officers　of　the　army　and　navy　can　sit　in　Parliament。　　The　absence　of　the　President's　ministers　from　Congress　certainly　occasions　much　confusion；　or　rather　prohibits　a　more　thorough　political　understanding　between　the　executive　and　the　legislature　than　now　exists。　　In　speaking　of　the　government　of　the　United　States　in　the　next　chapter；　I　shall　be　constrained　to　allude　again　to　this　subject。*

*　It　will　be　alleged　by　Americans　that　the　introduction　into　Congress　of　the　President's　ministers　would　alter　all　the　existing　relations　of　the　President　and　of　Congress；　and　would　at　once　produce　that　parliamentary　form　of　government　which　England　possesses；　and　which　the　States　have　chosen　to　avoid。　　Such　a　change　would　elevate　Congress　and　depress　the　President。　　No　doubt　this　is　true。　　Such　elevation；　however；　and　such　depression　seemed　to　me　to　be　the　two　things　needed。

The　duties　of　the　House　of　Representatives　are　solely　legislative。　Those　of　the　Senate　are　legislative　and　executive；　as　with　us　those　of　the　Upper　House　are　legislative　and　judicial。　　The　House　of　Representatives　is　always　open　to　the　public。　　The　Senate　is　so　open　when　it　is　engaged　on　legislative　work；　but　it　is　closed　to　the　public　when　engaged　in　executive　session。　　No　treaties　can　be　made　by　the　President；　and　no　appointments　to　high　offices　confirmed；　without　the　consent　of　the　Senate；　and　this　consent　must　be　given　as　regards　the　confirmation　of　treatiesby　two…thirds　of　the　members　present。　　This　law　gives　to　the　Senate　the　power　of　debating　with　closed　doors　upon　the　nature　of　all　treaties；　and　upon　the　conduct　of　the　government　as　evinced　in　the　nomination　of　the　officers　of　State。　　It　also　gives　to　the　Senate　a　considerable　control　over　the　foreign　relations　of　the　government。　　I　believe　that　this　power　is　often　used；　and　that　by　it　the　influence　of　the　Senate　is　raised　much　above　that　of　the　Lower　House。　　This　influence　is　increased　again　by　the　advantage　of　that　superior　statecraft　and　political　knowledge　which　the　six　years　of　the　Senator　gives　him　over　the　two　years　of　the　Representative。　　The　tried　Representative；　moreover；　very　frequently　blossoms　into　a　Senator　but　a　Senator　does　not　frequently　fade　into　a　Representative。　　Such　occasionally　is　the　case；　and　it　is　not　even　unconstitutional　for　an　ex…President　to　reappear　in　either　House。　　Mr。　Benton；　after　thirty　years'　service　in　the　Senate；　sat　in　the　House　of　Representatives。　　Mr。　Crittenden；　who　was　returned　as　Senator　by　Kentucky；　I　think　seven　times；　now　sits　in　the　Lower　House；　and　John　Quincy　Adams　appeared　as　a　Representative　from　Massachusetts　after　he　had　filled　the　presidenti