north america-2-第43章

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to　enable　me　to　do　this　I　will；　in　the　first　place；　quote　the　words　of　the　clause　in　question：　〃The　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus　shall　not　be　suspended　unless　when；　in　case　of　rebellion　or　invasion；　the　public　safety　may　require　it。〃　　It　is　the　second　clause　of　that　section　which　states　what　Congress　shall　not　do。　Mr。　Binney　argues　as　follows：　〃The　conclusion　of　the　whole　matter　is　thisthat　the　Constitution　itself　is　the　law　of　the　privilege　and　of　the　exception　to　it；　that　the　exception　is　expressed　in　the　Constitution；　and　that　the　Constitution　gives　effect　to　the　act　of　suspension　when　the　conditions　occur；　that　the　conditions　consist　of　two　matters　of　factone　a　naked　matter　of　fact；　and　the　other　a　matter…of…fact　conclusion　from　facts：　that　is　to　say；　rebellion　and　the　public　danger；　or　the　requirement　of　public　safety。〃　　By　these　words　Mr。　Binney　intends　to　imply　that　the　Constitution　itself　gave　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus；　and　itself　prescribes　the　taking　away　of　that　privilege　under　certain　circumstances。　　But　this　is　not　so。　　The　Constitution　does　not　prescribe　the　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　under　any　circumstances。　　It　says　that　it　shall　not　be　suspended　except　under　certain　circumstances。　　Mr。　Binney's　argument；　if　I　understand　it；　then　goes　on　as　follows：　As　the　Constitution　prescribes　the　circumstances　under　which　the　privilege　of　the　writ　shall　be　suspendedthe　one　circumstance　being　the　naked　matter　of　fact　rebellion；　and　the　other　circumstance　the　public　safety　supposed　to　have　been　endangered　by　such　rebellion；　which　Mr。　Binney　calls　a　matter…of…fact　conclusion　from　factsthe　Constitution　must　be　presumed　itself　to　suspend　the　privilege　of　the　writ。　　Whether　the　President　or　Congress　be　the　agent　of　the　Constitution　in　this　suspension；　is　not　matter　of　moment。　　Either　can　only　be　an　agent；　and　as　Congress　cannot　act　executively；　whereas　the　President　must　ultimately　be　charged　with　the　executive　administration　of　the　order　for　that　suspension；　which　has　in　fact　been　issued　by　the　Constitution　itself；　therefore　the　power　of　exercising　the　suspension　of　the　writ　may　properly　be　presumed　to　be　in　the　hands　of　the　President　and　not　to　be　in　the　hands　of　Congress。　If　I　follow　Mr。　Binney's　argument；　it　amounts　to　so　much。　　But　it　seems　to　me　that　Mr。　Binney　is　wrong　in　his　premises　and　wrong　in　his　conclusion。　　The　article　of　the　Constitution　in　question　does　not　define　the　conditions　under　which　the　privilege　of　the　writ　shall　be　suspended。　　It　simply　states　that　this　privilege　shall　never　be　suspended　except　under　certain　conditions。　　It　shall　not　be　suspended　unless　when　the　public　safety　may　require　such　suspension　on　account　of　rebellion　or　invasion。　　Rebellion　or　invasion　is　not　necessarily　to　produce　such　suspension。　　There　is；　indeed；　no　naked　matter　of　fact　to　guide　either　President　or　Congress　in　the　matter；　and　therefore　I　say　that　Mr。　Binney　is　wrong　in　his　premises。　Rebellion　or　invasion　might　occur　twenty　times　over；　and　might　even　endanger　the　public　safety；　without　justifying　the　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　under　the　Constitution。　　I　say　also　that　Mr。　Binney　is　wrong　in　his　conclusion。　　The　public　safety　must　require　the　suspension　before　the　suspension　can　be　justified；　and　such　requirement　must　be　a　matter　for　judgment　and　for　the　exercise　of　discretion。　　Whether　or　no　there　shall　be　any　suspension　is　a　matter　for　deliberationnot　one　simply　for　executive　action；　as　though　it　were　already　ordered。　　There　is　no　matter…of…fact　conclusion　from　facts。　　Should　invasion　or　rebellion　occur；　and　should　the　public　safety；　in　consequence　of　such　rebellion　or　invasion；　require　the　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ；　then；　and　only　then；　may　the　privilege　be　suspended。　　But　to　whom　is　the　power；　or　rather　the　duty；　of　exercising　this　discretion　delegated？　　Mr。　Binney　says　that　〃there　is　no　express　delegation　of　the　power　in　the　Constitution？〃　I　maintain　that　Mr。　Binney　is　again　wrong；　and　that　the　Constitution　does　expressly　delegate　the　power；　not　to　the　President；　but　to　Congress。　　This　is　done　so　clearly；　to　my　mind；　that　I　cannot　understand　the　misunderstanding　which　has　existed　in　the　States　upon　the　subject。　　The　first　article　of　the　Constitution　treats　〃of　the　legislature。〃　　The　second　article　treats　〃of　the　executive？〃　　The　third　treats　〃of　the　judiciary。〃　　After　that　there　are　certain　〃miscellaneous　articles〃　so　called。　　The　eighth　section　of　the　first　article　gives；　as　I　have　said　before；　a　list　of　things　which　the　legislature　or　Congress　shall　do。　　The　ninth　section　gives　a　list　of　things　which　the　legislature　or　Congress　shall　not　do。　　The　second　item　in　this　list　is　the　prohibition　of　any　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus；　except　under　certain　circumstances。　　This　prohibition　is　therefore　expressly　placed　upon　Congress；　and　this　prohibition　contains　the　only　authority　under　which　the　privilege　can　be　constitutionally　suspended。　　Then　comes　the　article　on　the　executive；　which　defines　the　powers　that　the　President　shall　exercise。　　In　that　article　there　is　no　word　referring　to　the　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ。　　He　that　runs　may　read。　I　say；　therefore；　that　Mr。　Lincoln's　government　has　committed　a　breach　of　the　Constitution　in　taking　upon　itself　to　suspend　the　privilege；　a　breach　against　the　letter　of　the　Constitution。　　It　has　assumed　a　power　which　the　Constitution　has　not　given　itwhich；　indeed；　the　Constitution；　by　placing　it　in　the　hands　of　another　body；　has　manifestly　declined　to　put　into　the　hands　of　the　Executive；　and　it　has　also　committed　a　breach　against　the　spirit　of　the　Constitution。　　The　chief　purport　of　the　Constitution　is　to　guard　the　liberties　of　the　people；　and　to　confide　to　a　deliberative　body　the　consideration　of　all　circumstances　by　which　those　liberties　may　be　affected。　　The　President　shall　command　the　army；　but　Congress　shall　raise　and　support　the　army。　　Congress　shall　declare　war。　Congress　shall　coin　money。　　Congress；　by　one　of　its　bodies；　shall　sanction　treaties。　　Congress　shall　establish　such　law　courts　as　are　not　established　by　the　Constitution。　　Under　no　circumstances　is　the　President　to　decree　what　shall　be　done。　　But　he　is　to　do　those　things　which　the　Constitution　has　decreed　or　which　Congress　shall　decree。　　It　is　monstrous　to　suppose　that　power　over　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus　would；　among　such　a　people；　and　under　such　a　Constitution；　be　given　without　limit　to　the　chief　officer；　the　only　condition　being　that　there　should　be　some　rebellion。　　Such　rebellion　might　be　in　Utah　Territory；　or　some　trouble　in　the　uttermost　bounds　of　Texas　would　suffice。　　Any　invasion；　such　as　an　inroad　by　the　savages　of　Old　Mexico　upon　New　Mexico；　would　justify　an　arbitrary　President　in　robbing　all　the　people　of　all　the　States　of　their　liberties！　　A　squabble　on　the　borders　of　Canada　would　put　such　a　power　into　the　hands　of　the　President　for　four　years；　or　the　presence　of　an　English　frigate　in　the　St。　Juan　channel　might　be　held　to　do　so。　　I　say　that　such　a　theory　is　monstrous。　And　the　effect　of　this　breach　of　the　Constitution　at　the　present　day　has　been　very　disastrous。　　It　has　taught　those　who　have　not　been　close　observers　of　the　American　struggle　to　believe　that；　after　all；　the　Americans　are　indifferent　as　to　their　liberties。　　Such　pranks　have　been　played　before　high　heaven　by　men　utterly　unfitted　for　the　use　of　great　power；　as　have　scared　all　the　nations。　　Mr。　Lincoln；　the　President　by　whom　this　unconstitutional　act　has　been　done；　apparently　delegated　his　assumed　authority　to　his　minister；　Mr。　Seward。　　Mr。　Seward　has　reveled　in　the　privilege　of　unrestrained　arrests；　and　has　locked　men　up　with　reason　and　without。　　He　has　instituted　passports　and　surveillance；　and　placed　himself　at　the　head　of　an　omnipresent　police　system　with　all　the　gusto　of　a　Fouche；　though　luckily　without　a　Fouche's　craft　or　cunning。　　The　time　will　probably　come　when　Mr。　Seward　must　pay　for　thisnot　with　his　life　or　liberty；　but　with　his　reputation　and　political　name。　　But　in　the　mean　time　his　lettres　de　cachet　have　run　everywhere　through　the　States。　　The　pranks　which　he　played　were　absurd；　and　the　arrests　which　he　made　were　grievous。　　After　awhile；　when　it　became　manifest　that　Mr。　Seward　had　not　found　a　way　to　success；　when　it　was　seen　that　he　had　inaugurated　no　great　mode　of　putting　down　rebellion；　he　apparently　lost　his　power　in　the　cabinet。　　The　arrests　ceased；　the　passports　were　discontinued；　and　the　prison　doors　were　gradually　opened。　　Mr。　Seward　was　deposed；　not　from　the　cabinet；　but　from　the　premiership　of　the　cabinet。　　The　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus　was　not　countermanded；　but　the　operation　of　the　suspension　was　allowed　to　become　less　and　less　onerous；　and　now；　in　April；　1862；　within　a　year　of　the　commencement　of　the　suspension；　it　has；　I　think；　nearly　died　out。　　The　object　in　hand　now　is　rather　that　of　getting　rid　of　political　prisoners　than　of　taking　others。　This　assumption　by　the　government　of　an　unconstitutional　power　has；　as　I　have　said；　taught　many　lookers　on　to　think　that　the　Americans　are　indifferent　to　their　liberties。　　I　myself　do　not　believe　that　such　a　conclusion　would　be　just。　　During　the　present　crisis　the　strong　feeling　of　the　peoplethat　feeling　which　for　the　moment　has　been　dominanthas　been　one　in　favor　of　the　government　as　against　rebellion。　　There　has　been　a　passionate　resolution　to　support　the　nationality　of　the　nation。　　Men　have　felt　that　they　must　make　individual　sacrifices；　and　that　such　sacrifices　must　include　a　temporary　suspension　of　some　of　their　constitutional　rights。　　But　I　think　that　this　temporary　suspension　is　already　regarded　with　jealous　eyes；　with　an　increasing　jealousy　which　will　have　created　a　reaction　against　such　policy　as　that　which　Mr。　Seward　has　attemped；　long　before　the　close　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　Presidency。　　I　know　that　it　is　wrong　in　a　writer　to　commit　himself　to　prophecies；　but　I　find　it　impossible　to　write　upon　this　subject　without　doing　so。　　As　I　must　express　a　surmise　on　this　subject；　I　venture　to　prophesy　that　the　Americans　of　the　States　will　soon　show　that　they　are　not　indifferent　to　the　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus。　　On　that　matter　of　the　illegality　of　the　suspension　by　the　President；　I　feel　in　my　own　mind　that　there　is　no　doubt。　The　second　article　of　the　Constitution　treats　of　the　executive；　and　is　very　short。　　It　places　the　whole　executive　power　in　the　hands　of　the　President；　and　explains　with　more　detail　the　mode　in　which　the　President　shall　be　chosen　than　the　manner　after　which　the　duties　shall　be　performed。　　The　first　section　states　that　the　executive　shall　be　vested　in　a　President；　who　shall　hold　his　office　for　four　years。　　With　him　shall　be　chosen　a　Vice…President。　　I　may　here　explain　that　the　Vice…President；　as　such；　has　no　power　either　political　or　administrative。　　He　is；　ex…officio；　the　Speaker　of　the　Senate；　and　should　the　President　die；　or　be　by　other　cause　rendered　unable　to　act　as　President；　the　Vice…President　becomes　President　either　for　the　remainder　of　the　presidential　term　or　for　the　period　of　the　President's　temporary　absence。　　Twice；　since　the　Constitution　was　written；　the　President　has　died　and　the　Vice…President　has　t