north america-2-第47章

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ess　in　some　special　matters；　which　will　be　defined　in　the　next　chapter。　　Trade；　education；　roads；　religion；　the　passing　of　new　measures　for　the　internal　or　domestic　comfort　of　the　people；all　these　things　are　more　or　less　matters　of　care　to　our　government。　　In　the　States　they　are　matters　of　care　to　the　governments　of　each　individual　State；　but　are　not　so　to　the　central　government　at　Washington。　But　there　are　other　causes　which　operate　in　the　same　direction；　and　which　have　hitherto　enabled　the　Presidents　of　the　United　States；　with　their　ministers；　to　maintain　their　positions　without　much　knowledge　of　statecraft；　or　the　necessity　for　that　education　in　state　matters　which　is　so　essential　to　our　public　men。　　In　the　first　place；　the　United　States　have　hitherto　kept　their　hands　out　of　foreign　politics。　　If　they　have　not　done　so　altogether；　they　have　so　greatly　abstained　from　meddling　in　them　that　none　of　that　thorough　knowledge　of　the　affairs　of　other　nations　has　been　necessary　to　them　which　is　so　essential　with　us；　and　which　seems　to　be　regarded　as　the　one　thing　needed　in　the　cabinets　of　other　European　nations。　　This　has　been　a　great　blessing　to　the　United　States；　but　it　has　not　been　an　unmixed　blessing。　　It　has　been　a　blessing　because　the　absence　of　such　care　has　saved　the　country　from　trouble　and　from　expense。　　But　such　a　state　of　things　was　too　good　to　last；　and　the　blessing　has　not　been　unmixed；　seeing　that　now；　when　that　absence　of　concern　in　foreign　matters　has　been　no　longer　possible；　the　knowledge　necessary　for　taking　a　dignified　part　in　foreign　discussions　has　been　found　wanting。　　Mr。　Seward　is　now　the　Minister　for　Foreign　Affairs　in　the　States；　and　it　is　hardly　too　much　to　say　that　he　has　made　himself　a　laughing…stock　among　the　diplomatists　of　Europe；　by　the　mixture　of　his　ignorance　and　his　arrogance。　　His　reports　to　his　own　ministers　during　the　single　year　of　his　office；　as　published　by　himself　apparently　with　great　satisfaction；　are　a　monument　not　so　much　of　his　incapacity　as　of　his　want　of　training　for　such　work。　　We　all　know　his　long　state…papers　on　the　〃Trent〃　affair。　　What　are　we　to　think　of　a　statesman　who　acknowledges　the　action　of　his　country's　servant　to　have　been　wrong；　and　in　the　same　breath　declares　that　he　would　have　held　by　that　wrong；　had　the　material　welfare　of　his　country　been　thereby　improved？　　The　United　States　have　now　created　a　great　army　and　a　great　debt。　　They　will　soon　also　have　created　a　great　navy。　　Affairs　of　other　nations　will　press　upon　them；　and　they　will　press　against　the　affairs　of　other　nations。　　In　this　way　statecraft　will　become　necessary　to　them；　and　by　degrees　their　ministers　will　become　habile；　graceful；　adroit；　and　perhaps　crafty；　as　are　the　ministers　of　other　nations。　And；　moreover；　the　United　States　have　had　no　outlying　colonies　or　dependencies；　such　as　an　India　and　Canada　are　to　us；　as　Cuba　is　and　Mexico　was　to　Spain；　and　as　were　the　provinces　of　the　Roman　empire。　Territories　she　has　had；　but　by　the　peculiar　beneficence　of　her　political　arrangements；　these　Territories　have　assumed　the　guise　of　sovereign　States；　and　been　admitted　into　federal　partnership　on　equal　terms；　with　a　rapidity　which　has　hardly　left　to　the　central　government　the　reality　of　any　dominion　of　its　own。　　We　are　inclined　to　suppose　that　these　new　States　have　been　allowed　to　assume　their　equal　privileges　and　State　rights　because　they　have　been　contiguous　to　the　old　States；　as　though　it　were　merely　an　extension　of　frontier。　　But　this　has　not　been　so。　　California　and　Oregon　have　been　very　much　farther　from　Washington　than　the　Canadas　are　from　London。　　Indeed　they　are　still　farther；　and　I　hardly　know　whether　they　can　be　brought　much　nearer　than　Canada　is　to　us；　even　with　the　assistance　of　railways。　　But　nevertheless　California　and　Oregon　were　admitted　as　States；　the　former　as　quickly　and　the　latter　much　more　quickly　than　its　population　would　seem　to　justify　Congress　in　doing；　according　to　the　received　ratio　of　population。　　A　preference　in　this　way　has　been　always　given　by　the　United　States　to　a　young　population　over　one　that　was　older。　　Oregon　with　its　60；000　inhabitants　has　one　Representative。　　New　York　with　4；000；000　inhabitants　has　thirty…　three。　　But　in　order　to　be　equal　with　Oregon；　New　York　should　have　sixty…six。　　In　this　way　the　outlying　populations　have　been　encouraged　to　take　upon　themselves　their　own　governance；　and　the　governing　power　of　the　President　and　his　cabinet　has　been　kept　within　moderate　limits。　But　not　the　less　is　the　position　of　the　President　very　dominant　in　the　eyes　of　us　Englishmen　by　reason　of　the　authority　with　which　he　is　endowed。　　It　is　not　that　the　scope　of　his　power　is　great；　but　that　he　is　so　nearly　irresponsible　in　the　exercise　of　that　power。　We　know　that　he　can　be　impeached　by　the　Representatives　and　expelled　from　his　office　by　the　verdict　of　the　Senate；　but　this　in　fact　does　not　amount　to　much。　　Responsibility　of　this　nature　is　doubtless　very　necessary；　and　prevents　ebullitions　of　tyranny　such　as　those　in　which　a　sultan　or　an　emperor　may　indulge；　but　it　is　not　that　responsibility　which　especially　recommends　itself　to　the　minds　of　free　men。　　So　much　of　responsibility　they　take　as　a　matter　of　course；　as　they　do　the　air　which　they　breathe。　　It　would　be　nothing　to　us　to　know　that　Lord　Palmerston　could　be　impeached　for　robbing　the　treasury；　or　Lord　Russell　punished　for　selling　us　to　Austria。　It　is　well　that　such　laws　should　exist；　but　we　do　not　in　the　least　suspect　those　noble　lords　of　such　treachery。　　We　are　anxious　to　know；　not　in　what　way　they　may　be　impeached　and　beheaded　for　great　crimes；　but　by　what　method　they　may　be　kept　constantly　straight　in　small　matters。　　That　they　are　true　and　honest　is　a　matter　of　course。　But　they　must　be　obedient　also；　discreet；　capable；　and；　above　all　things；　of　one　mind　with　the　public。　　Let　them　be　that；　or　if　not　they；　then　with　as　little　delay　as　may　be；　some　others　in　their　place。　　That　with　us　is　the　meaning　of　ministerial　responsibility。　To　that　responsibility　all　the　cabinet　is　subject。　　But　in　the　government　of　the　United　States　there　is　no　such　responsibility。　The　President　is　placed　at　the　head　of　the　executive　for　four　years；　and　while　he　there　remains　no　man　can　question　him。　　It　is　not　that　the　scope　of　his　power　is　great。　　Our　own　Prime　Minister　is　doubtless　more　powerfulhas　a　wider　authority。　　But　it　is　that　within　the　scope　of　his　power　the　President　is　free　from　all　check。　There　are　no　reins；　constitutional　or　unconstitutional；　by　which　he　can　be　restrained。　　He　can　absolutely　repudiate　a　majority　of　both　Houses；　and　refuse　the　passage　of　any　act　of　Congress　even　though　supported　by　those　majorities。　　He　can　retain　the　services　of　ministers　distasteful　to　the　whole　country。　　He　can　place　his　own　myrmidons　at　the　head　of　the　army　and　navy；　or　can　himself　take　the　command　immediately　on　his　own　shoulders。　　All　this　he　can　do；　and　there　is　no　one　that　can　question　him。　It　is　hardly　necessary　that　I　should　point　out　the　fundamental　difference　between　our　king　or　queen；　and　the　President　of　the　United　States。　　Our　sovereign；　we　all　know；　is　not　responsible。　Such　is　the　nature　of　our　constitution。　　But　there　is　not　on　that　account　any　analogy　between　the　irresponsibility　of　the　Queen　and　that　of　the　President。　　The　Queen　can　do　no　wrong；　but　therefore；　in　all　matters　of　policy　and　governance；　she　must　be　ruled　by　advice。　For　that　advice　her　ministers　are　responsible；　and　no　act　of　policy　or　governance　can　be　done　in　England　as　to　which　responsibility　does　not　immediately　settle　on　the　shoulders　appointed　to　bear　it。　　But　this　is　not　so　in　the　States。　　The　President　is　nominally　responsible。　　But　from　that　every…day　working　responsibility；　which　is　to　us　so　invaluable；　the　President　is　in　fact　free。　I　will　give　an　instance　of　this。　　Now；　at　this　very　moment　of　my　writing；　news　has　reached　us　that　President　Lincoln　has　relieved　General　McClellan　from　the　command　of　the　whole　army；　that　he　has　given　separate　commands　to　two　other　generalsto　General　Halleck；　namely；　and；　alas！　to　General　Fremont；　and　that　he　has　altogether　altered　the　whole　organization　of　the　military　command　as　it　previously　existed。　　This　he　did　not　only　during　war；　but　with　reference　to　a　special　battle；　for　the　special　fighting　of　which　he；　as　ex…officio　commander…in…chief　of　the　forces；　had　given　orders。　　I　do　not　hereby　intend　to　criticise　this　act　of　the　President's；　or　to　point　out　that　that　has　been　done　which　had　better　have　been　left　undone。　　The　President；　in　a　strategetical　point　of　view；　may　have　been；　very　probably　has　been；　quite　right。　　I；　at　any　rate；　cannot　say　that　he　has　been　wrong。　　But　then　neither　can　anybody　else　say　so　with　any　power　of　making　himself　heard。　　Of　this　action　of　the　President's；　so　terribly　great　in　its　importance　to　the　nation；　no　one　has　the　power　of　expressing　any　opinion　to　which　the　President　is　bound　to　listen。　　For　four　years　he　has　this　sway；　and　at　the　end　of　four　years　he　becomes　so　powerless　that　it　is　not　then　worth　the　while　of　any　demagogue　in　a　fourth…rate　town　to　occupy　his　voice　with　that　President's　name。　　The　anger　of　the　country　as　to　the　things　done　both　by　Pierce　and　Buchanan　is　very　bitter。　　But　who　wastes　a　thought　upon　either　of　these　men？　　A　past　President　in　the　United　States　is　of　less　consideration　than　a　past　mayor　in　an　English　borough。　　Whatever　evil　he　may　have　done　during　his　office；　when　out　of　office　he　is　not　worth　the　powder　which　would　be　expended　in　an　attack。　But　the　President　has　his　ministers　as　our　Queen　has　hers。　　In　one　sense　he　has　such　ministers。　　He　has　high　State　servants　who　under　him　take　the　control　of　the　various　departments；　and　exercise　among　them　a　certain　degree　of　patronage　and　executive　power。　　But　they　are　the　President's　ministers；　and　not　the　ministers　of　the　people。　Till　lately　there　has　been　no　chief　minister　among　them；　nor　am　I　prepared　to　say　that　there　is　any　such　chief　at　present。　　According　to　the　existing　theory　of　the　government　these　gentlemen　have　simply　been　the　confidential　servants　of　the　commonwealth　under　the　President；　and　have　been　attached　each　to　his　own　department　without　concerted　political　alliance　among　themselves；　without　any　acknowledged　chief　below　the　President；　and　without　any　combined　responsibility　even　to　the　President。　　If　one　minister　was　in　fault　let　us　say　the　Postmaster…Generalhe　alone　was　in　fault；　and　it　did　not　fall　to　the　lot　of　any　other　minister　either　to　defend　him；　or　to　declare　that　his　conduct　was　indefensible。　　Each　owed　his　duty　and　his　defense　to　the　President　alone　and　each　might　be　removed　alone；　without　explanation　given　by　the　President　to　the　others。　　I　imagine　that　the　late　practice　of　the　President's　cabinet　has　in　some　degree　departed　from　this　theory；　but　if　so；　the　departure　has　sprung　from　individual　ambition　rather　than　from　any　pre…concerted　plan。　　Some　one　place　in　the　cabinet　has　seemed　to　give　to　some　one　man　an　opportunity　of　making　himself　pre…eminent；　and　of　this　opportunity　advantage　has　been　taken。　　I　am　not　now　intending　to　allude　to　any　individual；　but　am　endeavoring　to　indicate　the　way　in　which　a　ministerial　cabinet；　after　the　fashion　of　our　British　cabinet；　is　struggling　to　get　itself　righted。　　No　doubt　the　position　of　Fore