north america-2-第52章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


　each　State　by　its　constitution　and　legislation　has　seen　fit　to　adopt。　The　States　are　entirely　free　on　this　point。　　The　usual　course　is　to　have　one　Supreme　Court；　sometimes　called　by　that　name；　sometimes　the　Court　of　Appeals；　and　sometimes　the　Court　of　Errors。　　Then　they　have　such　especial　courts　as　their　convenience　may　dictate。　　The　State　jurisprudence　includes　all　causes　not　expressly　or　by　necessary　implication　secured　to　the　national　courts。　　The　tribunals　of　the　States　have　exclusive　control　over　domestic　relations；　religion；　education；　the　tenure　and　descent　of　land；　the　inheritance　of　property；　police　regulations；　municipal　economy；　and　all　matters　of　internal　trade。　　In　this　category；　of　course；　come　the　relations　of　husband　and　wife；　parent　and　child；　master　and　servant；　owner　and　slave；　guardian　and　ward；　tradesman　and　apprentice。　　So　also　do　all　police　and　criminal　regulations　not　external　in　their　character　highways；　railroads；　canals；　schools；　colleges；　the　relief　of　paupers；　and　those　thousand　other　affairs　of　the　world　by　which　men　are　daily　surrounded　in　their　own　homes　and　their　own　districts。　　As　to　such　subjects　Congress　can　make　no　law；　and　over　them　Congress　and　the　national　tribunals　have　no　jurisdiction。　　Congress　cannot　say　that　a　man　shall　be　hung　for　murder　in　New　York；　nor　if　a　man　be　condemned　to　be　hung　in　New　York　can　the　President　pardon　him。　　The　legislature　of　New　York　must　say　whether　or　no　hanging　shall　be　the　punishment　adjudged　to　murder　in　that　State；　and　the　Governor　of　the　State　of　New　York　must　pronounce　the　man's　pardonif　it　be　that　he　is　to　be　pardoned。　　But　Congress　must　decide　whether　or　no　a　man　shall　be　hung　for　murder　committed　on　the　high　seas；　or　in　the　national　forts　or　arsenals；　and　in　such　a　case　it　is　for　the　President　to　give　or　to　refuse　the　pardon。　The　judges　of　the　States　are　appointed　as　the　constitution　or　the　laws　of　each　State　may　direct　in　that　matter。　　The　appointments；　I　think；　in　all　the　old　States；　were　formerly　vested　in　the　governor。　In　some　States　such　is　still　the　case。　　In　some；　if　I　am　not　mistaken；　the　nomination　is　now　made；　directly；　by　the　legislature。　But　in　most　of　the　States　the　power　of　appointing　has　been　claimed　by　the　people；　and　the　judges　are　voted　in　by　popular　election；　just　as　the　President　of　the　Union　and　the　Governors　of　the　different　States　are　voted　in。　　There　has　for　some　years　been　a　growing　tendency　in　this　direction；　and　the　people　in　most　of　the　States　have　claimed　the　poweror　rather　the　power　has　been　given　to　the　people　by　politicians　who　have　wished　to　get　into　their　hands；　in　this　way；　the　patronage　of　the　courts。　　But　now；　at　the　present　moment；　there　is　arising　a　strong　feeling　of　the　inexpediency　of　appointing　judges　in　such　a　manner。　　An　anti…democratic　bias　is　taking　possession　of　men's　minds；　causing　a　reaction　against　that　tendency　to　universal　suffrage　in　everything　which　prevailed　before　the　war　began。　　As　to　this　matter　of　the　mode　of　appointing　judges；　I　have　heard　but　one　opinion　expressed；　and　I　am　inclined　to　think　that　a　change　will　be　made　in　one　State　after　another；　as　the　constitutions　of　the　different　States　are　revised。　　Such　revisions　take　place　generally　at　periods　of　about　twenty…five　years'　duration。　　If；　therefore；　it　be　acknowledged　that　the　system　be　bad；　the　error　can　be　soon　corrected。　Nor　is　this　mode　of　appointment　the　only　evil　that　has　been　adopted　in　the　State　judicatures。　　The　judges　in　most　of　the　States　are　not　appointed　for　life；　nor　even　during　good　behavior。　　They　enter　their　places　for　a　certain　term　of　years；　varying　from　fifteen　down；　I　believe；　to　seven。　　I　do　not　know　whether　any　are　appointed　for　a　term　of　less　than　seven　years。　　When　they　go　out　they　have　no　pensions；　and　as　a　lawyer　who　has　been　on　the　bench　for　seven　years　can　hardly　recall　his　practice；　and　find　himself　at　once　in　receipt　of　his　old　professional　income；　it　may　easily　be　imagined　how　great　will　be　the　judge's　anxiety　to　retain　his　position　on　the　bench。　This　he　can　do　only　by　the　universal　suffrages　of　the　people；　by　political　popularity；　and　a　general　standing　of　that　nature　which　enables　a　man　to　come　forth　as　the　favorite　candidate　of　the　lower　orders。　　This　may　or　may　not　be　well　when　the　place　sought　for　is　one　of　political　powerwhen　the　duties　required　are　political　in　all　their　bearings。　　But　no　one　can　think　it　well　when　the　place　sought　for　is　a　judge's　seat　on　the　benchwhen　the　duties　required　are　solely　judicial。　　Whatever　hitherto　may　have　been　the　conduct　of　the　judges　in　the　courts　of　the　different　States；　whether　or　no　impurity　has　yet　crept　in；　and　the　sanctity　of　justice　has　yet　been　outraged；　no　one　can　doubt　the　tendency　of　such　an　arrangement。　　At　present　even　a　few　visits　to　the　courts　constituted　in　this　manner　will　convince　an　observer　that　the　judges　on　the　bench　are　rather　inferior　than　superior　to　the　lawyers　who　practice　before　them。　　The　manner　of　address；　the　tone　of　voice；　the　lack　of　dignity　in　the　judge；　and　the　assumption　by　the　lawyer　before　him　of　a　higher　authority　than　his；　all　tell　this　tale。　　And　then　the　judges　in　these　courts　are　not　paid　at　a　rate　which　will　secure　the　services　of　the　best　men。　　They　vary　in　the　different　States；　running　from　about　600l。　to　about　1000l。　per　annum。　　But　a　successful　lawyer；　practicing　in　the　courts　in　which　these　judges　sit；　not　unfrequently　earns　3000l。　a　year。　　A　professional　income　of　2000l。　a　year　is　not　considered　very　high。　　When　the　different　conditions　of　the　bench　are　considered；　when　it　is　remembered　that　the　judge　may　lose　his　place　after　a　short　term　of　years；　and　that　during　that　short　term　of　years　he　receives　a　payment　much　less　than　that　earned　by　his　successful　professional　brethren；　it　can　hardly　be　expected　that　first…rate　judges　should　be　found。　　The　result　is　seen　daily　in　society。　　You　meet　Judge　This　and　Judge　That；　not　knowing　whether　they　are　ex…judges　or　in…judges；　but　you　soon　learn　that　your　friends　do　not　hold　any　very　high　social　position　on　account　of　their　forensic　dignity。　It　is；　perhaps；　but　just　to　add　that　in　Massachusetts；　which　I　cannot　but　regard　as　in　many　respects　the　noblest　of　the　States；　the　judges　are　appointed　by　the　Governor；　and　are　appointed　for　life。

CHAPTER　XII。　THE　FINANCIAL　POSITION。

The　Americans　are　proud　of　much　that　they　have　done　in　this　war；　and　indeed　much　has　been　done　which　may　justify　pride；　but　of　nothing　are　they　so　proud　as　of　the　noble　dimensions　and　quick　growth　of　their　government　debt。　　That　Mr。　Secretary　Chase；　the　American　Chancellor　of　the　Exchequer；　participates　in　this　feeling　I　will　not　venture　to　say；　but　if　he　do　not；　he　is　well…nigh　the　only　man　in　the　States　who　does　not　do　so。　　The　amount　of　expenditure　has　been　a　subject　of　almost　national　pride；　and　the　two　millions　of　dollars　a　day；　which　has　been　roughly　put　down　as　the　average　cost　of　the　war；　has　always　been　mentioned　by　Northern　men　in　a　tone　of　triumph。　This　feeling　is；　I　think；　intelligible；　and　although　we　cannot　allude　to　it　without　a　certain　amount　of　inward　sarcasm；　a　little　gentle　laughing　in　the　sleeve；　at　the　nature　of　this　national　joy；　I　am　not　prepared　to　say　that　it　is　altogether　ridiculous。　　If　the　country　be　found　able　and　willing　to　pay　the　bill；　this　triumph　in　the　amount　of　the　cost　will　hereafter　be　regarded　as　having　been　anything　but　ridiculous。　　In　private　life　an　individual　will　occasionally　be　known　to　lavish　his　whole　fortune　on　the　accomplishment　of　an　object　which　he　conceives　to　be　necessary　to　his　honor。　　If　the　object　be　in　itself　good；　and　if　the　money　be　really　paid；　we　do　not　laugh　at　such　a　man　for　the　sacrifices　which　he　makes。　For　myself；　I　think　that　the　object　of　the　Northern　States　in　this　war　has　been　good。　　I　think　that　they　could　not　have　avoided　the　war　without　dishonor；　and　that　it　was　incumbent　on　them　to　make　themselves　the　arbiters　of　the　future　position　of　the　South；　whether　that　future　position　shall　or　shall　not　be　one　of　secession。　　This　they　could　only　do　by　fighting。　　Had　they　acceded　to　secession　without　a　civil　war；　they　would　have　been　regarded　throughout　Europe　as　having　shown　themselves　inferior　to　the　South；　and　would　for　many　years　to　come　have　lost　that　prestige　which　their　spirit　and　energy　had　undoubtedly　won　for　them；　and　in　their　own　country　such　submission　on　their　part　would　have　practically　given　to　the　South　the　power　of　drawing　the　line　of　division　between　the　two　new　countries。　　That　line；　so　drawn；　would　have　given　Virginia；　Maryland；　Kentucky；　and　Missouri　to　the　Southern　Republic。　　The　great　effect　of　the　war　to　the　North　will　be；　that　the　Northern　men　will　draw　the　line　of　secession；　if　any　such　line　be　drawn。　　I　still　think　that　such　line　will　ultimately　be　drawn；　and　that　the　Southern　States　will　be　allowed　to　secede。　　But　if　it　be　so；　Virginia；　Maryland；　Kentucky；　and　Missouri　will　not　be　found　among　these　seceding　States；　and　the　line　may　not　improbably　be　driven　south　of　North　Carolina　and　Tennessee。　　If　this　can　be　so；　the　object　of　the　war　will；　I　think；　hereafter　be　admitted　to　have　been　good。　Whatever　may　be　the　cost　in　money　of　joining　the　States　which　I　have　named　to　a　free…soil　Northern　people；　instead　of　allowing　them　to　be　buried　in　that　dismal　swamp　which　a　confederacy　of　Southern　slave　States　will　produce；　that　cost　can　hardly　be　too　much。　　At　the　present　moment　there　exists　in　England　a　strong　sympathy　with　the　South；　produced　partly　by　the　unreasonable　vituperation　with　which　the　North　treated　our　government　at　the　beginning　of　the　war；　and　by　the　capture　of　Mason　and　Slidell；　partly　also　by　that　feeling　of　good…will　which　a　looker　on　at　a　combat　always　has　for　the　weaker　side。　　But；　although　this　sympathy　does　undoubtedly　exist；　I　do　not　imagine　that　many　Englishmen　are　of　opinion　that　a　confederacy　of　Southern　slave　States　will　ever　offer　to　the　general　civilization　of　the　world　very　many　attractions。　　It　cannot　be　thought　that　the　South　will　equal　the　North　in　riches；　in　energy；　in　education；　or　general　well…being。　　Such　has　not　been　our　experience　of　any　slave　country；　such　has　not　been　our　experience　of　any　tropical　country；　and　such　especially　has　not　been　our　experience　of　the　Southern　States　of　the　North　American　Union。　　I　am　no　abolitionist；　but　to　me　it　seems　impossible　that　any　Englishman　should　really　advocate　the　cause　of　slavery　against　the　cause　of　free　soil。　　There　are　the　slaves；　and　I　know　that　they　cannot　be　abolishedneither　they　nor　their　chains；　but；　for　myself；　I　will　not　willingly　join　my　lot　with　theirs。　　I　do　not　wish　to　have　dealings　with　the　African　negro；　either　as　a　free　man　or　as　a　slave；　if　I　can　avoid　them；　believing　that　his　employment　by　me　in　either　capacity　would　lead　to　my　own　degradation。*　　Such；　I　think；　are　the　feelings　of　Englishmen　generally　on　this　matter。　　And　if　such　be　the　case；　will　it　not　be　acknowledged　that　the　Northern　men　have　done　well　to　fight　for　a　line　which　shall　add　five　or　six　States　to　that　Union　which　will　in　truth　be　a　union　of　free　men；　rather　than　to　that　confederacy　which；　even　if　successful；　must　owe　its　success　to　slavery？

*　In　saying　this　I　fear　that　I　shall　be　misunderstood；　let　me　use　what　foot　note　or　other　mode　of　protestation　I　may　to　guard　myself。