north america-2-第67章

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me　always；　and　if　I　can　find　on　board　one　or　two　who　are　equally　fortunatewho　can　eat　with　me；　drink　with　me；　and　talk　with　meI　do　not　know　that　a　passage　across　the　Atlantic　is　by　any　means　a　terrible　evil　to　me。　In　finishing　these　volumes　after　the　fashion　in　which　they　have　been　written　throughout；　I　feel　that　I　am　bound　to　express　a　fixed　opinion　on　two　or　three　points；　and　that　if　I　have　not　enabled　myself　to　do　so；　I　have　traveled　through　the　country　in　vain。　　I　am　bound　by　the　very　nature　of　my　undertaking　to　say　whether；　according　to　such　view　as　I　have　enabled　myself　to　take　of　them；　the　Americans　have　succeeded　as　a　nation　politically　and　socially；　and　in　doing　this　I　ought　to　be　able　to　explain　how　far　slavery　has　interfered　with　such　success。　　I　am　bound　also；　writing　at　the　present　moment；　to　express　some　opinion　as　to　the　result　of　this　war；　and　to　declare　whether　the　North　or　the　South　may　be　expected　to　be　victorious　explaining　in　some　rough　way　what　may　be　the　results　of　such　victory；　and　how　such　results　will　affect　the　question　of　slavery；　and　I　shall　leave　my　task　unfinished　if　I　do　not　say　what　may　be　the　possible　chances　of　future　quarrel　between　England　and　the　States。　That　there　has　been　and　is　much　hot　blood　and　angry　feeling；　no　man　doubts；　but　such　angry　feeling　has　existed　among　many　nations　without　any　probability　of　war。　　In　this　case；　with　reference　to　this　ill　will　that　has　certainly　established　itself　between　us　and　that　other　people；　is　there　any　need　that　it　should　be　satisfied　by　war　and　allayed　by　blood？　No　one；　I　think；　can　doubt　that　the　founders　of　the　great　American　Commonwealth　made　an　error　in　omitting　to　provide　some　means　for　the　gradual　extinction　of　slavery　throughout　the　States。　　That　error　did　not　consist　in　any　liking　for　slavery。　　There　was　no　feeling　in　favor　of　slavery　on　the　part　of　those　who　made　themselves　prominent　at　the　political　birth　of　the　nation。　　I　think　I　shall　be　justified　in　saying　that　at　that　time　the　opinion　that　slavery　is　itself　a　good　thing；　that　it　is　an　institution　of　divine　origin　and　fit　to　be　perpetuated　among　men　as　in　itself　excellent；　had　not　found　that　favor　in　the　Southern　States　in　which　it　is　now　held。　　Jefferson；　who　has　been　regarded　as　the　leader　of　the　Southern　or　Democratic　party；　has　left　ample　testimony　that　he　regarded　slavery　as　an　evil。　It　is；　I　think；　true　that　he　gave　such　testimony　much　more　freely　when　he　was　speaking　or　writing　as　a　private　individual　than　he　ever　allowed　himself　to　do　when　his　words　were　armed　with　the　weight　of　public　authority。　　But　it　is　clear　that　on　the　whole　he　was　opposed　to　slavery；　and　I　think　there　can　be　little　doubt　that　he　and　his　party　looked　forward　to　a　natural　death　for　that　evil。　　Calculation　was　made　that　slavery　when　not　recruited　afresh　from　Africa　could　not　maintain　its　numbers；　and　that　gradually　the　negro　population　would　become　extinct。　　This　was　the　error　made。　　It　was　easier　to　look　forward　to　such　a　result　and　hope　for　such　an　end　of　the　difficulty；　than　to　extinguish　slavery　by　a　great　political　movement；　which　must　doubtless　have　been　difficult　and　costly。　　The　Northern　States　got　rid　of　slavery　by　the　operation　of　their　separate　legislatures；　some　at　one　date　and　some　at　others。　　The　slaves　were　less　numerous　in　the　North　than　in　the　South；　and　the　feeling　adverse　to　slaves　was　stronger　in　the　North　than　in　the　South。　　Mason　and　Dixon's　line；　which　now　separates　slave　soil　from　free　soil；　merely　indicates　the　position　in　the　country　at　which　the　balance　turned。　　Maryland　and　Virginia　were　not　inclined　to　make　great　immediate　sacrifices　for　the　manumission　of　their　slaves；　but　the　gentlemen　of　those　States　did　not　think　that　slavery　was　a　divine　institution　destined　to　flourish　forever　as　a　blessing　in　their　land。　The　maintenance　of　slavery　was；　I　think；　a　political　mistakea　political　mistake；　not　because　slavery　is　politically　wrong；　but　because　the　politicians　of　the　day　made　erroneous　calculations　as　to　the　probability　of　its　termination。　　So　the　income　tax　may　be　a　political　blunder　with　usnot　because　it　is　in　itself　a　bad　tax；　but　because　those　who　imposed　it　conceived　that　they　were　imposing　it　for　a　year　or　two；　whereas；　now；　men　do　not　expect　to　see　the　end　of　it。　　The　maintenance　of　slavery　was　a　political　mistake；　and　I　cannot　think　that　the　Americans　in　any　way　lessen　the　weight　of　their　own　error　by　protesting；　as　they　occasionally　do；　that　slavery　was　a　legacy　made　over　to　them　from　England。　　They　might　as　well　say　that　traveling　in　carts　without　springs；　at　the　rate　of　three　miles　an　hour；　was　a　legacy　made　over　to　them　by　England。　　On　that　matter　of　traveling　they　have　not　been　contented　with　the　old　habits　left　to　them；　but　have　gone　ahead　and　made　railroads。　　In　creating　those　railways　the　merit　is　due　to　them；　and　so　also　is　the　demerit　of　maintaining　those　slaves。　That　demerit　and　that　mistake　have　doubtless　brought　upon　the　Americans　the　grievances　of　their　present　position；　and　will；　as　I　think；　so　far　be　accompanied　by　ultimate　punishment　that　they　will　be　the　immediate　means　of　causing　the　first　disintegration　of　their　nation。　　I　will　leave　it　to　the　Americans　themselves　to　say　whether　such　disintegration　must　necessarily　imply　that　they　have　failed　in　their　political　undertaking。　　The　most　loyal　citizens　of　the　Northern　States　would　have　declared　a　month　or　two　sinceand　for　aught　I　know　would　declare　nowthat　any　disintegration　of　the　States　implied　absolute　failure。　　One　stripe　erased　from　the　banner；　one　star　lost　from　the　firmament；　would　entail　upon　them　all　the　disgrace　of　national　defeat！　　It　had　been　their　boast　that　they　would　always　advance；　never　retreat。　　They　had　looked　forward　to　add　ever　State　upon　State；　and　Territory　to　Territory；　till　the　whole　continent　should　be　bound　together　in　the　same　union。　　To　go　back　from　that　now；　to　fall　into　pieces　and　be　divided；　to　become　smaller　in　the　eyes　of　the　nations；　to　be　absolutely　halfed；　as　some　would　say　of　such　division；　would　be　national　disgrace；　and　would　amount　to　political　failure。　　〃Let　us　fight　for　the　whole；〃　such　men　said；　and　probably　do　say。　　〃To　lose　anything　is　to　lose　all！〃　But　the　citizens　of　the　States　who　speak　and　think　thus；　though　they　may　be　the　most　loyal；　are　perhaps　not　politically　the　most　wise。　And　I　am　inclined　to　think　that　that　defiant　claim　of　every　star；　that　resolve　to　possess　every　stripe　upon　the　banner；　had　become　somewhat　less　general　when　I　was　leaving　the　country　than　I　had　found　it　to　be　at　the　time　of　my　arrival　there。　　While　things　were　going　badly　with　the　North；　while　there　was　no　tale　of　any　battle　to　be　told　except　of　those　at　Bull's　Run　and　Springfield；　no　Northern　man　would　admit　a　hint　that　secession　might　ultimately　prevail　in　Georgia　or　Alabama。　　But　the　rebels　had　been　driven　out　of　Missouri　when　I　was　leaving　the　States；　they　had　retreated　altogether　from　Kentucky；　having　been　beaten　in　one　engagement　there；　and　from　a　great　portion　of　Tennessee；　having　been　twice　beaten　in　that　State。　The　coast　of　North　Carolina；　and　many　points　of　the　Southern　coast；　were　in　the　hands　of　the　Northern　army；　while　the　army　of　the　South　was　retreating　from　all　points　into　the　center　of　their　country。　Whatever　may　have　been　the　strategetical　merits　or　demerits　of　the　Northern　generals；　it　is　at　any　rate　certain　that　their　apparent　successes　were　greedily　welcomed　by　the　people；　and　created　an　idea　that　things　were　going　well　with　the　cause。　　And　as　all　this　took　place；　it　seemed　to　me　that　I　heard　less　about　the　necessary　integrity　of　the　old　flag。　　While　as　yet　they　were　altogether　unsuccessful；　they　were　minded　to　make　no　surrender。　　But　with　their　successes　came　the　feeling；　that　in　taking　much　they　might　perhaps　allow　themselves　to　yield　something。　　This　was　clearly　indicated　by　the　message　sent　to　Congress　by　the　President；　in　February；　1862；　in　which　he　suggested　that　Congress　should　make　arrangements　for　the　purchase　of　the　slaves　in　the　border　States；　so　that　in　the　event　of　secessionaccomplished　secessionin　the　Gulf　States；　the　course　of　those　border　States　might　be　made　clear　for　them。　　They　might　hesitate　as　to　going　willingly　with　the　North；　while　possessing　slaves；　as　to　sitting　themselves　peaceably　down　as　a　small　slave　adjunct　to　a　vast　free…soil　nation；　seeing　that　their　property　would　always　be　in　peril。　　Under　such　circumstances　a　slave　adjunct　to　the　free…soil　nation　would　not　long　be　possible。　　But　if　it　could　be　shown　to　them　that　in　the　event　of　their　adhering　to　the　North　compensation　would　be　forthcoming；　then；　indeed；　the　difficulty　in　arranging　an　advantageous　line　between　the　two　future　nations　might　be　considerably　modified。　　This　message　of　the　President's　was　intended　to　signify　that　secession　on　favorable　terms　might　be　regarded　by　the　North　as　not　undesirable。　　Moderate　men　were　beginning　to　whisper　that；　after　all；　the　Gulf　States　were　no　source　either　of　national　wealth　or　of　national　honor。　　Had　there　not　been　enough　at　Washington　of　cotton　lords　and　cotton　laws？　　When　I　have　suggested　that　no　Senator　from　Georgia　would　ever　again　sit　in　the　United　States　Senate；　American　gentlemen　have　received　my　remark　with　a　slight　demur；　and　have　then　proceeded　to　argue　the　case。　　Six　months　before　they　would　have　declared　against　me　and　not　have　argued。　I　will　leave　it　to　Americans　themselves　to　say　whether　that　disintegration　of　the　States　will；　should　it　ever　be　realized；　imply　that　they　have　failed　in　their　political　undertaking。　　If　they　do　not　protest　that　it　argues　failure；　I　do　not　think　that　their　feelings　will　be　hurt　by　such　protestations　on　the　part　of　others。　I　have　said　that　the　blunder　made　by　the　founders　of　the　nation　with　regard　to　slavery　has　brought　with　it　this　secession　as　its　punishment。　　But　such　punishments　come　generally　upon　nations　as　great　mercies。　　Ireland's　famine　was　the　punishment　of　her　imprudence　and　idleness；　but　it　has　given　to　her　prosperity　and　progress。　　And　indeed；　to　speak　with　more　logical　correctness；　the　famine　was　no　punishment　to　Ireland；　nor　will　secession　be　a　punishment　to　the　Northern　States。　　In　the　long　result；　step　will　have　gone　on　after　step；　and　effect　will　have　followed　cause；　till　the　American　people　will　at　last　acknowledge　that　all　these　matters　have　been　arranged　for　their　advantage　and　promotion。　　It　may　be　that　a　nation　now　and　then　goes　to　the　wall；　and　that　things　go　from　bad　to　worse　with　a　large　people。　　It　has　been　so　with　various　nations；　and　with　many　people　since　history　was　first　written。　　But　when　it　has　been　so；　the　people　thus　punished　have　been　idle　and　bad。　　They　have　not　only　done　evil　in　their　generation；　but　have　done　more　evil　than　good；　and　have　contributed　their　power　to　the　injury　rather　than　to　the　improvement　of　mankind。　　It　may　be　that　this　or　that　national　fault　may　produce　or　seem　to　produce　some　consequent　calamity。　　But　the　balance　of　good　or　evil　things　which　fall　to　a　people's　share　will　indicate　with　certainty　their　average　conduct　as　a　nation。　　The　one　will　be　the　certain　sequence　of　the　other。　　If　it　be　that　the　Americans　of　the　Northern　States　have　done　well　in　their　time；　that　they　have　assisted　in　the　progress　of　the　world；　and　made　things　better　for　mankind　rather