north america-2-第7章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


est　legislator　to　vote　twice　on　any　subject　of　great　interest；　but　it　may　perhaps　be　the　case　that　there　are　no　dishonest　legislators　in　the　house　of　Representatives。　According　to　a　list　which　I　obtained；　the　present　number　of　members　is　173；　and　there　are　63　vacancies　occasioned　by　secession。　　New　York　returns　33　members；　Pennsylvania；　25；　Ohio；　21；　Virginia；　13；　Massachusetts　and　Indiana；　11；　Tennessee　and　Kentucky；　10；　South　Carolina；　6；　and　so　on；　till　Delaware；　Kansas；　and　Florida　return　only　1　each。　　When　the　Constitution　was　framed；　Pennsylvania　returned　8；　and　New　York　only　6；　whereas　Virginia　returned　10；　and　South　Carolina　5；　From　which　may　be　gathered　the　relative　rate　of　increase　in　population　of　the　free…soil　States　and　the　slave　States。　All　these　States　return　two　Senators　each　to　the　other　HouseKansas　sending　as　many　as　New　York。　　The　work　in　the　House　begins　at　twelve　noon；　and　is　not　often　carried　on　late　into　the　evening。　　Indeed；　this；　I　think；　is　never　done　till　toward　the　end　of　the　session。　The　Senate　house　is　in　the　opposite　wing　of　the　building；　the　position　of　the　one　house　answering　exactly　to　that　of　the　other。　It　is　somewhat　smaller；　but　is；　as　a　matter　of　course；　much　less　crowded。　　There　are　34　States；　and；　therefore；　68　seats　and　68　desks　only　are　required。　　These　also　are　arranged　in　a　horseshoe　form；　and　face　the　President；　but　there　was　a　sad　array　of　empty　chairs　when　I　was　in　Washington；　nineteen　or　twenty　seats　being　vacant　in　consequence　of　secession。　　In　this　house　the　Vice…President　of　the　United　States　acts　as　President；　but　has　by　no　means　so　hard　a　job　of　work　as　his　brother　on　the　other　side　of　the　way。　　Mr。　Hannibal　Hamlin；　from　Maine；　now　fills　this　chair。　　I　was　driven；　while　in　Washington；　to　observe　something　amounting　almost　to　a　peculiarity　in　the　Christian　names　of　the　gentlemen　who　were　then　administrating　the　government　of　the　country。　　Mr。　Abraham　Lincoln　was　the　President；　Mr。　Hannibal　Hamlin；　the　Vice…President；　Mr。　Galusha　Grow；　the　Speaker　of　the　House　of　Representatives；　Mr。　Salmon　Chase；　the　Secretary　of　the　Treasury；　Mr。　Caleb　Smith；　the　Attorney…　General；　Mr。　Simon　Cameron；　the　Secretary　of　War；　and　Mr。　Gideon　Welles；　the　Secretary　of　the　Navy。　In　the　Senate　House；　as　in　the　other　house；　there　are　very　commodious　galleries　for　strangers；　running　round　the　entire　chambers；　and　these　galleries　are　open　to　all　the　world。　　As　with　all　such　places　in　the　States；　a　large　portion　of　them　is　appropriated　to　ladies。　　But　I　came　at　last　to　find　that　the　word　lady　signified　a　female　or　a　decently　dressed　man。　　Any　arrangement　for　classes　is　in　America　impossible；　the　seats　intended　for　gentlemen　must；　as　a　matter　of　course；　be　open　to　all　men；　but　by　giving　up　to　the　rougher　sex　half　the　amount　of　accommodation　nominally　devoted　to　ladies；　the　desirable　division　is　to　a　certain　extent　made。　　I　generally　found　that　I　could　obtain　admittance　to　the　ladies'　gallery　if　my　coat　were　decent　and　I　had　gloves　with　me。　All　the　adjuncts　of　both　these　chambers　are　rich　and　in　good　keeping。　　The　staircases　are　of　marble；　and　the　outside　passages　and　lobbies　are　noble　in　size　and　in　every　way　convenient。　　One　knows　well　the　trouble　of　getting　into　the　House　of　Lords　and　House　of　Commons；　and　the　want　of　comfort　which　attends　one　there；　and　an　Englishman　cannot　fail　to　make　comparisons　injurious　to　his　own　country。　　It　would　not；　perhaps；　be　possible　to　welcome　all　the　world　in　London　as　is　done　in　Washington；　but　there　can　be　no　good　reason　why　the　space　given　to　the　public　with　us　should　not　equal　that　given　in　Washington。　　But；　so　far　are　we　from　sheltering　the　public；　that　we　have　made　our　House　of　Commons　so　small　that　it　will　not　even　hold　all　its　own　members。　I　had　an　opportunity　of　being　present　at　one　of　their　field　days　in　the　senate；　Slidell　and　Mason　had　just　then　been　sent　from　Fort　Warren　across　to　England　in　the　Rinaldo。　　And　here　I　may　as　well　say　what　further　there　is　for　me　to　say　about　those　two　heroes。　　I　was　in　Boston　when　they　were　taken；　and　all　Boston　was　then　full　of　them。　　I　was　at　Washington　when　they　were　surrendered；　and　at　Washington　for　a　time　their　names　were　the　only　household　words　in　vogue。　　To　me　it　had　from　the　first　been　a　matter　of　certainty　that　England　would　demand　the　restitution　of　the　men。　　I　had　never　attempted　to　argue　the　matter　on　the　legal　points；　but　I　felt；　as　though　by　instinct；　that　it　would　be　so。　　First　of　all　there　reached　us；　by　telegram　from　Cape　Race；　rumors　of　what　the　press　in　England　was　saying；　rumors　of　a　meeting　in　Liverpool；　and　rumors　of　the　feeling　in　London。　　And　then　the　papers　followed；　and　we　got　our　private　letters。　　It　was　some　days　before　we　knew　what　was　actually　the　demand　made　by　Lord　Palmerston's　cabinet；　and　during　this　time；　through　the　five　or　six　days　which　were　thus　passed；　it　was　clear　to　be　seen　that　the　American　feeling　was　undergoing　a　great　changeor　if　not　the　feeling；　at　any　rate　the　purpose。　　Men　now　talked　of　surrendering　these　Commissioners；　as　though　it　were　a　line　of　conduct　which　Mr。　Seward　might　find　convenient；　and　then　men　went　further；　and　said　that　Mr。　Seward　would　find　any　other　line　of　conduct　very　inconvenient。　　The　newspapers；　one　after　another；　came　round。　　That；　under　all　these　circumstances；　the　States　government　behaved　well　in　the　matter；　no　one；　I　think；　can　deny；　but　the　newspapers；　taken　as　a　whole；　were　not　very　consistent；　and；　I　think；　not　very　dignified。　　They　had　declared　with　throats　of　brass　that　these　men　should　never　be　surrendered　to　perfidious　Albion；　but　when　it　came　to　be　understood　that　in　all　probability　they　would　be　so　surrendered；　they　veered　round　without　an　excuse；　and　spoke　of　their　surrender　as　of　a　thing　of　course。　　And　thus；　in　the　course　of　about　a　week；　the　whole　current　of　men's　minds　was　turned。　　For　myself；　on　my　first　arrival　at　Washington；　I　felt　certain　that　there　would　be　war；　and　was　preparing　myself　for　a　quick　return　to　England；　but　from　the　moment　that　the　first　whisper　of　England's　message　reached　us；　and　that　I　began　to　hear　how　it　was　received　and　what　men　said　about　it；　I　knew　that　I　need　not　hurry　myself。　　One　met　a　minister　here；　and　a　Senator　there；　and　anon　some　wise　diplomatic　functionary。　　By　none　of　these　grave　men　would　any　secret　be　divulged；　none　of　them　had　any　secret　ready　for　divulging。　　But　it　was　to　be　read　in　every　look　of　the　eye；　in　every　touch　of　the　hand；　and　in　every　fall　of　the　foot　of　each　of　them；　that　Mason　and　Slidell　would　go　to　England。　Then　we　had；　in　all　the　fullness　of　diplomatic　language；　Lord　Russell's　demand；　and　Mr。　Seward's　answer。　　Lord　Russell's　demand　was　worded　in　language　so　mild；　was　so　devoid　of　threat；　was　so　free　from　anger；　that　at　the　first　reading　it　seemed　to　ask　for　nothing。　It　almost　disappointed　by　its　mildness。　　Mr。　Seward's　reply；　on　the　other　hand；　by　its　length　of　argumentation；　by　a　certain　sharpness　of　diction；　to　which　that　gentleman　is　addicted　in　his　State　papers；　and　by　a　tone　of　satisfaction　inherent　through　it　all；　seemed　to　demand　more　than　he　conceded。　　But；　in　truth；　Lord　Russell　had　demanded　everything；　and　the　United　States　government　had　conceded　everything。　I　have　said　that　the　American　government　behaved　well　in　its　mode　of　giving　the　men　up；　and　I　think　that　so　much　should　be　allowed　to　them　on　a　review　of　the　whole　affair。　　That　Captain　Wilkes　had　no　instructions　to　seize　the　two　men；　is　a　known　fact。　　He　did　seize　them；　and　brought　them　into　Boston　harbor；　to　the　great　delight　of　his　countrymen。　　This　delight　I　could　understand；　though　of　course　I　did　not　share　it。　　One　of　these　men　had　been　the　parent　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law；　the　other　had　been　great　in　fostering　the　success　of　filibustering。　　Both　of　them　were　hot　secessionists；　and　undoubtedly　rebels。　　No　two　men　on　the　continent　were　more　grievous　in　their　antecedents　and　present　characters　to　all　Northern　feeling。　It　is　impossible　to　deny　that　they　were　rebels　against　the　government　of　their　country。　　That　Captain　Wilkes　was　not　on　this　account　justified　in　seizing　them；　is　now　a　matter　of　history；　but　that　the　people　of　the　loyal　States　should　rejoice　in　their　seizure；　was　a　matter　of　course。　　Wilkes　was　received　with　an　ovation；　which　as　regarded　him　was　ill　judged　and　undeserved；　but　which　in　its　spirit　was　natural。　　Had　the　President's　government　at　that　moment　disowned　the　deed　done　by　Wilkes；　and　declared　its　intention　of　giving　up　the　men　unasked；　the　clamor　raised　would　have　been　very　great；　and　perhaps　successful。　　We　were　told　that　the　American　lawyers　were　against　their　doing　so；　and　indeed　there　was　such　a　shout　of　triumph　that　no　ministry　in　a　country　so　democratic　could　have　ventured　to　go　at　once　against　it；　and　to　do　so　without　any　external　pressure。　Then　came　the　one　ministerial　blunder。　　The　President　put　forth　his　message；　in　which　he　was　cunningly　silent　on　the　Slidell　and　Mason　affair；　but　to　his　message　was　appended；　according　to　custom；　the　report　from　Mr。　Welles；　the　Secretary　of　the　Navy。　　In　this　report　approval　was　expressed　of　the　deed　done　by　Captain　Wilkes。　　Captain　Wilkes　was　thus　in　all　respects　indemnified；　and　the　blame；　if　any；　was　taken　from　his　shoulders　and　put　on　to　the　shoulders　of　that　officer　who　was　responsible　for　the　Secretary's　letter。　　It　is　true　that　in　that　letter　the　Secretary　declared　that　in　case　of　any　future　seizure　the　vessel　seized　must　be　taken　into　port；　and　so　declared　in　animadverting　on　the　fact　that　Captain　Wilkes　had　not　brought　the　〃Trent〃　into　port。　　But；　nevertheless；　Secretary　Welles　approved　of　Captain　Wilkes's　conduct。　　He　allowed　the　reasons　to　be　good　which　Wilkes　had　put　forward　for　leaving　the　ship；　and　in　all　respects　indemnified　the　captain。　　Then　the　responsibility　shifted　itself　to　Secretary　Welles；　but　I　think　it　must　be　clear　that　the　President；　in　sending　forward　that　report；　took　that　responsibility　upon　himself。　　That　he　is　not　bound　to　send　forward　the　reports　of　his　Secretaries　as　he　receives　themthat　he　can　disapprove　them　and　require　alteration；　was　proved　at　the　very　time　by　the　fact　that　he　had　in　this　way　condemned　Secretary　Cameron's　report；　and　caused　a　portion　of　it　to　be　omitted。　　Secretary　Cameron　had　unfortunately　allowed　his　entire　report　to　be　printed；　and　it　appeare　d　in　a　New　York　paper。　　It　contained　a　recommendation　with　reference　to　the　slave　question　most　offensive　to　a　part　of　the　cabinet；　and　to　the　majority　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　party。　　This；　by　order　of　the　President；　was　omitted　in　the　official　way。　　It　was　certainly　a　pity　that　Mr。　Welles's　paragraph　respecting　the　〃Trent〃　was　not　omitted　also。　　The　President　was　dumb　on　the　matter；　and　that　being　so　the　Secretary　should　have　been　dumb　also。　But　when　the　demand　was　made；　the　States　government　yielded　at　once；　and　yielded　without　bluster。　　I　cannot　say　I　much　admired　Mr。　Seward's　long　letter。　　It　was　full　of　smart　special　pleading；　and　savored　strongly；　as　Mr。　Seward's　productions　always　do；　of　the　personal　author。　　Mr。　Seward　was　making　an　effort　to　place　a　great　State　paper　on　record；　but　the　ars　celare　artem　was　altogether　wanting；　and；　if　I　am　not　mistaken；　he　was　without　the　art　itself。　I　think　he　left　the　matter　very　much　where　he　found　it。　　The　men；　however；　were　to　be