north america-2-第70章

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ended　against　the　strictest　justice　in　our　dealings　with　America　during　this　contest。　　But　justice　has　not　sufficed。　　I　do　not　know　that　our　bitterest　foes　in　the　Northern　States　have　accused　us　of　acting　unjustly。　　It　is　not　justice　which　they　have　looked　for　at　our　hands；　and　looked　for　in　vainnot　justice；　but　generosity！　　We　have　not；　as　they　say；　sympathized　with　them　in　their　trouble。　　It　seems　to　me　that　such　a　complaint　is　unworthy　of　them　as　a　nation；　as　a　people；　or　as　individuals。　　In　such　a　matter　generosity　is　another　name　for　injustice；　as　it　too　often　is　in　all　matters。　　A　generous　sympathy　with　the　North　would　have　been　an　ostensible　and　crushing　enmity　to　the　South。　　We　could　not　have　sympathized　with　the　North　without　condemning　the　South；　and　telling　to　the　world　that　the　South　were　our　enemies。　　In　ordering　his　own　household　a　man　should　not　want　generosity　or　sympathy　from　the　outside；　and　if　not　a　man；　then　certainly　not　a　nation。　　Generosity　between　nations　must　in　its　very　nature　be　wrong。　　One　nation　may　be　just　to　another；　courteous　to　another；　even　considerate　to　another　with　propriety。　　But　no　nation　can　be　generous　to　another　without　injustice　either　to　some　third　nation　or　to　itself。　But　though　no　accusation　of　unfairness　has；　as　far　as　I　am　aware；　ever　been　made　by　the　government　of　Washington　against　the　government　of　England；　there　can　be　no　doubt　that　a　very　strong　feeling　of　antipathy　to　England　has　sprung　up　in　America　during　this　war；　and　that　it　is　even　yet　so　intense　in　its　bitterness　that；　were　the　North　to　become　speedily　victorious　in　their　present　contest；　very　many　Americans　would　be　anxious　to　turn　their　arms　at　once　against　Canada。　　And　I　fear　that　that　fight　between　the　Monitor　and　the　Merrimac　has　strengthened　this　wish　by　giving　to　the　Americans　an　unwarranted　confidence　in　their　capability　of　defending　themselves　against　any　injury　from　British　shipping。　　It　may　be　said　by　them；　and　probably　would　be　said　by　many　of　them；　that　this　feeling　of　enmity　had　not　been　engendered　by　any　idea　of　national　injustice　on　our　side；　that　it　might　reasonably　exist；　though　no　suspicion　of　such　injustice　had　arisen　in　the　minds　of　any。　　They　would　argue　that　the　hatred　on　their　part　had　been　engendered　by　scorn　on　oursby　scorn　and　ill　words　heaped　upon　them　in　their　distress。　They　would　say　that　slander；　scorn；　and　uncharitable　judgments　create　deeper　feuds　than　do　robbery　and　violence；　and　produce　deeper　enmity　and　worse　rancor。　　〃It　is　because　we　have　been　scorned　by　England；　that　we　hate　England。　　We　have　been　told　from　week　to　week；　and　from　day　to　day；　that　we　were　fools；　cowards；　knaves；　and　madmen。　　We　have　been　treated　with　disrespect；　and　that　disrespect　we　will　avenge。〃　　It　is　thus　that　they　speak　of　England；　and　there　can　be　no　doubt　that　the　opinion　so　expressed　is　very　general。　　It　is　not　my　purpose　here　to　say　whether　in　this　respect　England　has　given　cause　of　offense　to　the　States；　or　whether　either　country　has　given　cause　of　offense　to　the　other。　　On　both　sides　have　many　hard　words　been　spoken；　and　on　both　sides　also　have　good　words　been　spoken。　　It　is　unfortunately　the　case　that　hard　words　are　pregnant；　and　as　such　they　are　read；　digested；　and　remembered；　while　good　words　are　generally　so　dull　that　nobody　reads　them　willingly；　and　when　read；　they　are　forgotten。　　For　many　years　there　have　been　hard　words　bandied　backward　and　forward　between　England　and　the　United　States；　showing　mutual　jealousies；　and　a　disposition　on　the　part　of　each　nation　to　spare　no　fault　committed　by　the　other。　　This　has　grown　of　rivalry　between　the　two；　and　in　fact　proves　the　respect　which　each　has　for　the　other's　power　and　wealth。　　I　will　not　now　pretend　to　say　with　which　side　has　been　the　chiefest　blame；　if　there　has　been　chiefest　blame　on　either　side。　　But　I　do　say　that　it　is　monstrous　in　any　people　or　in　any　person　to　suppose　that　such　bickerings　can　afford　a　proper　ground　for　war。　　I　am　not　about　to　dilate　on　the　horrors　of　war。　　Horrid　as　war　may　be；　and　full　of　evil；　it　is　not　so　horrid　to　a　nation；　nor　so　full　of　evil；　as　national　insult　unavenged　or　as　national　injury　unredressed。　　A　blow　taken　by　a　nation　and　taken　without　atonement　is　an　acknowledgment　of　national　inferiority；　than　which　any　war　is　preferable。　　Neither　England　nor　the　States　are　inclined　to　take　such　blows。　　But　such　a　blow；　before　it　can　be　regarded　as　a　national　insult；　as　a　wrong　done　by　one　nation　to　another；　must　be　inflicted　by　the　political　entity　of　the　one　or　the　political　entity　of　the　other。　　No　angry　clamors　of　the　press；　no　declamations　of　orators；　no　voices　from　the　people；　no　studied　criticisms　from　the　learned　few；　or　unstudied　censures　from　society　at　large；　can　have　any　fair　weight　on　such　a　creation　or　do　aught　toward　justifying　a　national　quarrel。　　They　cannot　form　a　casus　belli。　　Those　two　Latin　words；　which　we　all　understand；　explain　this　with　the　utmost　accuracy。　　Were　it　not　so；　the　peace　of　the　world　would　indeed　rest　upon　sand。　　Causes　of　national　difference　will　arisefor　governments　will　be　unjust　as　are　individuals。　　And　causes　of　difference　will　arise　because　governments　are　too　blind　to　distinguish　the　just　from　the　unjust。　But　in　such　cases　the　government　acts　on　some　ground　which　it　declares。　　It　either　shows　or　pretends　to　show　some　casus　belli。　But　in　this　matter　of　threatened　war　between　the　States　and　England　it　is　declared　openly　that　such　war　is　to　take　place　because　the　English　have　abused　the　Americans；　and　because　consequently　the　Americans　hate　the　English。　　There　seems　to　exist　an　impression　that　no　other　ostensible　ground　for　fighting　need　be　shown；　although　such　an　event　as　that　of　war　between　the　two　nations　would；　as　all　men　acknowledge；　be　terrible　in　its　results。　　〃Your　newspapers　insulted　us　when　we　were　in　our　difficulties。　　Your　writers　said　evil　things　of　us。　　Your　legislators　spoke　of　us　with　scorn。　　You　exacted　from　us　a　disagreeable　duty　of　retribution　just　when　the　performance　of　such　a　duty　was　most　odious　to　us。　　You　have　shown　symptoms　of　joy　at　our　sorrow。　　And；　therefore；　as　soon　as　our　hands　are　at　liberty；　we　will　fight　you。〃　　I　have　known　school…boys　to　argue　in　that　way；　and　the　arguments　have　been　intelligible；　but　I　cannot　understand　that　any　government　should　admit　such　an　argument。　Nor　will　the　American　government　willingly　admit　it。　　According　to　existing　theories　of　government　the　armies　of　nations　are　but　the　tools　of　the　governing　powers。　　If　at　the　close　of　the　present　civil　war　the　American　governmentthe　old　civil　government　consisting　of　the　President　with　such　checks　as　Congress　constitutionally　has　over　himshall　really　hold　the　power　to　which　it　pretends；　I　do　not　fear　that　there　will　be　any　war。　　No　President；　and　I　think　no　Congress；　will　desire　such　a　war。　　Nor　will　the　people　clamor　for　it；　even　should　the　idea　of　such　a　war　be　popular。　　The　people　of　America　are　not　clamorous　against　their　government。　　If　there　be　such　a　war　it　will　be　because　the　army　shall　have　then　become　more　powerful　than　the　government。　　If　the　President　can　hold　his　own；　the　people　will　support　him　in　his　desire　for　peace。　　But　if　the　President　do　not　hold　his　ownif　some　general；　with　two　or　three　hundred　thousand　men　at　his　back；　shall　then　have　the　upper　hand　in　the　nationit　is　too　probable　that　the　people　may　back　him。　　The　old　game　will　be　played　again　that　has　so　often　been　played　in　the　history　of　nations；　and　some　wretched　military　aspirant　will　go　forth　to　flood　Canada　with　blood；　in　order　that　the　feathers　of　his　cap　may　flaunt　in　men's　eyes　and　that　he　may　be　talked　of　for　some　years　to　come　as　one　of　the　great　curses　let　loose　by　the　Almighty　on　mankind。　I　must　confess　that　there　is　danger　of　this。　　To　us　the　danger　is　very　great。　　It　cannot　be　good　for　us　to　send　ships　laden　outside　with　iron　shields　instead　of　inside　with　soft　goods　and　hardware　to　these　thickly　thronged　American　ports。　　It　cannot　be　good　for　us　to　have　to　throw　millions　into　these　harbors　instead　of　taking　millions　out　from　them。　　It　cannot　be　good　for　us　to　export　thousands　upon　thousands　of　soldiers　to　Canada　of　whom　only　hundreds　would　return。　The　whole　turmoil；　cost；　and　paraphernalia　of　such　a　course　would　be　injurious　to　us　in　the　extreme；　and　the　loss　of　our　commerce　would　be　nearly　ruinous。　　But　the　injury　of　such　a　war　to　us　would　be　as　nothing　to　the　injury　which　it　would　inflict　upon　the　States。　　To　them　for　many　years　it　would　be　absolutely　ruinous。　　It　would　entail　not　only　all　those　losses　which　such　a　war　must　bring　with　it；　but　that　greater　loss　which　would　arise　to　the　nation　from　the　fact　of　its　having　been　powerless　to　prevent　it。　　Such　a　war　would　prove　that　it　had　lost　the　freedom　for　which　it　had　struggled；　and　which　for　so　many　years　it　has　enjoyed。　　For　the　sake　of　that　people　as　well　as　for　our　ownand　for　their　sakes　rather　than　for　our　own　let　us；　as　far　as　may　be；　abstain　from　words　which　are　needlessly　injurious。　　They　have　done　much　that　is　great　and　noble；　ever　since　this　war　has　begun；　and　we　have　been　slow　to　acknowledge　it。　　They　have　made　sacrifices　for　the　sake　of　their　country　which　we　have　ridiculed。　　They　have　struggled　to　maintain　a　good　cause；　and　we　have　disbelieved　in　their　earnestness。　　They　have　been　anxious　to　abide　by　their　Constitution；　which　to　them　has　been　as　it　were　a　second　gospel；　and　we　have　spoken　of　that　Constitution　as　though　it　had　been　a　thing　of　mere　words　in　which　life　had　never　existed。　This　has　been　done　while　their　hands　are　very　full　and　their　back　heavily　laden。　　Such　words　coming　from　us；　or　from　parties　among　us；　cannot　justify　those　threats　of　war　which　we　hear　spoken；　but　that　they　should　make　the　hearts　of　men　sore　and　their　thoughts　bitter　against　us；　can　hardly　be　matter　of　surprise。　As　to　the　result　of　any　such　war　between　us　and　them；　it　would　depend　mainly；　I　think；　on　the　feelings　of　the　Canadians。　　Neither　could　they　annex　Canada　without　the　good…will　of　the　Canadians；　nor　could　we　keep　Canada　without　that　good…will。　　At　present　the　feeling　in　Canada　against　the　Northern　States　is　so　strong　and　so　universal　that　England　has　little　to　fear　on　that　head。　I　have　now　done　my　task；　and　may　take　leave　of　my　readers　on　either　side　of　the　water　with　a　hearty　hope　that　the　existing　war　between　the　North　and　the　South　may　soon　be　over；　and　that　none　other　may　follow　on　its　heels　to　exercise　that　new…fledged　military　skill　which　the　existing　quarrel　will　have　produced　on　the　other　side　of　the　Atlantic。　　I　have　written　my　book　in　obscure　language　if　I　have　not　shown　that　to　me　social　successes　and　commercial　prosperity　are　much　dearer　than　any　greatness　that　can　be　won　by　arms。　　The　Americans　had　fondly　thought　that　they　were　to　be　exempt　from　the　curse　of　warat　any　rate　from　the　bitterness　of　the　curse。　　But　the　days　for　such　exemption　have　not　come　as　yet。　　While　we　are　hurrying　on　to　make　twelve…inch　shield　plates　for　our　men…of…war；　we　can　hardly　dare　to　think　of　the　days　when　the　sword　shall　be　turned　into　the　plowshare。　　May　it　not　be　thought　well　for　us　if；　with　such　work　on　our　hands；　scraps　of　iron　shall　be　left　to　us　with　which　to　pursue　any　of　the　purposes　of　peace？　　But　at　least　let　us　not　have　war　with　these　children　of　our　own。　　If　we