war of the classes-第14章

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enslavement　of　the　whole　population。　　But　it　would　be　a　fairer；

juster　form　of　slavery　than　any　the　world　has　yet　seen。　　The　per

capita　wage　and　consumption　would　be　increased；　and；　with　a

stringent　control　of　the　birth　rate；　there　is　no　reason　why　such　a

country　should　not　be　so　ruled　through　many　generations。



On　the　other　hand；　as　the　capitalistic　exploitation　of　the　planet

approaches　its　maximum；　and　countries　are　crowded　out　of　the　field

of　foreign　exchanges；　there　is　a　large　likelihood　that　their　change

in　direction　will　be　toward　socialism。　　Were　the　theory　of

collective　ownership　and　operation　then　to　arise　for　the　first　time；

such　a　movement　would　stand　small　chance　of　success。　　But　such　is

not　the　case。　　The　doctrine　of　socialism　has　flourished　and　grown

throughout　the　nineteenth　century；　its　tenets　have　been　preached

wherever　the　interests　of　labor　and　capital　have　clashed；　and　it　has

received　exemplification　time　and　again　by　the　State's　assumption　of

functions　which　had　always　belonged　solely　to　the　individual。



When　capitalistic　production　has　attained　its　maximum　development；

it　must　confront　a　dividing　of　the　ways；　and　the　strength　of　capital

on　the　one　hand；　and　the　education　and　wisdom　of　the　workers　on　the

other；　will　determine　which　path　society　is　to　travel。　　It　is

possible；　considering　the　inertia　of　the　masses；　that　the　whole

world　might　in　time　come　to　be　dominated　by　a　group　of　industrial

oligarchies；　or　by　one　great　oligarchy；　but　it　is　not　probable。

That　sporadic　oligarchies　may　flourish　for　definite　periods　of　time

is　highly　possible；　that　they　may　continue　to　do　so　is　as　highly

improbable。　　The　procession　of　the　ages　has　marked　not　only　the　rise

of　man；　but　the　rise　of　the　common　man。　　From　the　chattel　slave；　or

the　serf　chained　to　the　soil；　to　the　highest　seats　in　modern

society；　he　has　risen；　rung　by　rung；　amid　the　crumbling　of　the

divine　right　of　kings　and　the　crash　of　falling　sceptres。　　That　he

has　done　this；　only　in　the　end　to　pass　into　the　perpetual　slavery　of

the　industrial　oligarch；　is　something　at　which　his　whole　past　cries

in　protest。　　The　common　man　is　worthy　of　a　better　future；　or　else　he

is　not　worthy　of　his　past。





NOTE。The　above　article　was　written　as　long　ago　as　1898。　　The　only

alteration　has　been　the　bringing　up　to　1900　of　a　few　of　its

statistics。　　As　a　commercial　venture　of　an　author；　it　has　an

interesting　history。　　It　was　promptly　accepted　by　one　of　the　leading

magazines　and　paid　for。　　The　editor　confessed　that　it　was　〃one　of

those　articles　one　could　not　possibly　let　go　of　after　it　was　once　in

his　possession。〃　　Publication　was　voluntarily　promised　to　be

immediate。　　Then　the　editor　became　afraid　of　its　too　radical　nature；

forfeited　the　sum　paid　for　it；　and　did　not　publish　it。　　Nor；　offered

far　and　wide；　could　any　other　editor　of　bourgeois　periodicals　be

found　who　was　rash　enough　to　publish　it。　　Thus；　for　the　first　time；

after　seven　years；　it　appears　in　print。







A　REVIEW







Two　remarkable　books　are　Ghent's　〃Our　Benevolent　Feudalism〃　｛7｝　and

Brooks's　〃The　Social　Unrest。〃　｛8｝　　In　these　two　books　the　opposite

sides　of　the　labor　problem　are　expounded；　each　writer　devoting

himself　with　apprehension　to　the　side　he　fears　and　views　with

disfavor。　　It　would　appear　that　they　have　set　themselves　the　task　of

collating；　as　a　warning；　the　phenomena　of　two　counter　social　forces。

Mr。　Ghent；　who　is　sympathetic　with　the　socialist　movement；　follows

with　cynic　fear　every　aggressive　act　of　the　capitalist　class。　　Mr。

Brooks；　who　yearns　for　the　perpetuation　of　the　capitalist　system　as

long　as　possible；　follows　with　grave　dismay　each　aggressive　act　of

the　labor　and　socialist　organizations。　　Mr。　Ghent　traces　the

emasculation　of　labor　by　capital；　and　Mr。　Brooks　traces　the

emasculation　of　independent　competing　capital　by　labor。　　In　short；

each　marshals　the　facts　of　a　side　in　the　two　sides　which　go　to　make

a　struggle　so　great　that　even　the　French　Revolution　is　insignificant

beside　it；　for　this　later　struggle；　for　the　first　time　in　the

history　of　struggles；　is　not　confined　to　any　particular　portion　of

the　globe；　but　involves　the　whole　of　it。



Starting　on　the　assumption　that　society　is　at　present　in　a　state　of

flux；　Mr。　Ghent　sees　it　rapidly　crystallizing　into　a　status　which

can　best　be　described　as　something　in　the　nature　of　a　benevolent

feudalism。　　He　laughs　to　scorn　any　immediate　realization　of　the

Marxian　dream；　while　Tolstoyan　utopias　and　Kropotkinian　communistic

unions　of　shop　and　farm　are　too　wild　to　merit　consideration。　　The

coming　status　which　Mr。　Ghent　depicts　is　a　class　domination　by　the

capitalists。　　Labor　will　take　its　definite　place　as　a　dependent

class；　living　in　a　condition　of　machine　servitude　fairly　analogous

to　the　land　servitude　of　the　Middle　Ages。　　That　is　to　say；　labor

will　be　bound　to　the　machine；　though　less　harshly；　in　fashion

somewhat　similar　to　that　in　which　the　earlier　serf　was　bound　to　the

soil。　　As　he　says；　〃Bondage　to　the　land　was　the　basis　of　villeinage

in　the　old　regime；　bondage　to　the　job　will　be　the　basis　of

villeinage　in　the　new。〃



At　the　top　of　the　new　society　will　tower　the　magnate；　the　new　feudal

baron；　at　the　bottom　will　be　found　the　wastrels　and　the

inefficients。　　The　new　society　he　grades　as　follows：





〃I。　　The　barons；　graded　on　the　basis　of　possessions。



〃II。　　The　court　agents　and　retainers。　　（This　class　will　include　the

editors　of　'respectable'　and　'safe'　newspapers；　the　pastors　of

'conservative'　and　'wealthy'　churches；　the　professors　and　teachers

in　endowed　colleges　and　schools；　lawyers　generally；　and　most　judges

and　politicians）。



〃III。　　The　workers　in　pure　and　applied　science；　artists；　and

physicians。



〃IV。　　The　entrepreneurs；　the　managers　of　the　great　industries；

transformed　into　a　salaried　class。



〃V。　　The　foremen　and　superintendents。　　This　class　has　heretofore

been　recruited　largely　from　the　skilled　workers；　but　with　the　growth

of　technical　education　in　schools　and　colleges；　and　the　development

of　fixed　caste；　it　is　likely　to　become　entirely　differentiated。



〃VI。　　The　villeins　of　the　cities　and　towns；　more　or　less　regularly

employed；　who　do　skilled　work　and　are　partially　protected　by

organization。



〃VII。　　The　villeins　of　the　cities　and　towns　who　do　unskilled　work

and　are　unprotected　by　organization。　　They　will　comprise　the

laborers；　domestics；　and　clerks。



〃VIII。　　The　villeins　of　the　manorial　estates；　of　the　great　farms；

the　mines；　and　the　forests。



〃IX。　　The　small…unit　farmers　（land…owning）；　the　petty　tradesmen；　and

manufacturers。



〃X。　　The　subtenants　of　the　manorial　estates　and　great　farms

（corresponding　to　the　class　of　'free　tenants'　in　the　old　Feudalism）。



〃XI。　　The　cotters。



〃XII。　　The　tramps；　the　occasionally　employed；　the　unemployedthe

wastrels　of　the　city　and　country。〃



〃The　new　Feudalism；　like　most　autocracies；　will　foster　not　only　the

arts；　but　also　certain　kinds　of　learningparticularly　the　kinds

which　are　unlikely　to　disturb　the　minds　of　the　multitude。　　A　future

Marsh；　or　Cope；　or　Le　Comte　will　be　liberally　patronized　and　left

free　to　discover　what　he　will；　and　so；　too；　an　Edison　or　a　Marconi。

Only　they　must　not　meddle　with　anything　relating　to　social　science。〃



It　must　be　confessed　that　Mr。　Ghent's　arguments　are　cunningly

contrived　and　arrayed。　　They　must　be　read　to　be　appreciated。　　As　an

example　of　his　style；　which　at　the　same　time　generalizes　a　portion

of　his　argument；　the　following　may　well　be　given：



〃The　new　Feudalism　will　be　but　an　orderly　outgrowth　of　present

tendencies　and　conditions。　　All　societies　evolve　naturally　out　of

their　predecessors。　　In　sociology；　as　in　biology；　there　is　no　cell

without　a　parent　cell。　　The　society　of　each　generation　develops　a

multitude　of　spontaneous　and　acquired　variations；　and　out　of　these；

by　a　blending　process　of　natural　and　conscious　selection；　the

succeeding　society　is　evolved。　　The　new　order　will　differ　in　no

important　respects　from　the　present；　except　in　the　completer

development　of　its　more　salient　features。　　The　visitor　from　another

planet　who　had　known　the　old　and　should　see　the　new　would　note　but

few　changes。　　Alter　et　Idemanother　yet　the　samehe　would　say。

From　magnate　to　baron；　from　workman　to　villein；　from　publicist　to

court　agent　and　retainer；　will　be　changes　of　state　and　function　so

slight　as　to　elude　all　but　the　keenest　eyes。〃



And　in　conclusion；　to　show　how　benevolent　and　beautiful　this　new

feudalism　of　ours　will　be；　Mr。　Ghent　says：　　〃Peace　and　stability　it

will　maintain　at　all　hazards；　and　the　mass；　remembering　the　chaos；

the　turmoil；　the　insecurity　of　the　past；　will　bless　its　reign。　。　。　。

Efficiencythe　faculty　of　getting　thingsis　at　last　rewarded　as　it

should　be；　for　the　efficient　have　inherited　the　earth　and　its

fulness。　　The　lowly；　whose　happiness　is　greater　and　whose　welfare　is

more　thoroughly　conserved　when　governed　than　when　governing；　as　a

twentieth…century　philosopher　said　of　them；　are　settled　and　happy　in

the　state　which　reason　and　experience　teach　is　their　God…appointed

lot。　　They　are　comfortable　too；　and　if　the　patriarchal　ideal　of　a

vine　and　fig　tree　for　each　is　not　yet　attained；　at　least　each　has

his　rented　patch　in　the　country　or　his　rented　cell　in　a　city

building。　　Bread　and　the　circus　are　freely　given　to　the　deserving；

and　as　for　the　undeserving；　they　are　merely　reaping　the　rewards　of

their　contumacy　and　pride。　　Order　reigns；　each　has　his　justly

appointed　share；　and　the　state　rests；　in　security；　'lapt　in

universal　law。'〃



Mr。　Brooks；　on　the　other　hand；　sees　rising　and　dissolving　and　rising

again　in　the　social　flux　the　ominous　forms　of　a　new　society　which　is

the　direct　antithesis　of　a　benevolent　feudalism。　　He　trembles　at　the

rash　intrepidity　of　the　capitalists　who　fight　the　labor　unions；　for

by　such　rashness　he　greatly　fears　that　labor　will　be　driven　to

express　its　aims　and　strength　in　political　terms；　which　terms　will

inevitably　be　socialistic　terms。



To　keep　down　the　rising　tide　of　socialism；　he　preaches　greater

meekness　and　benevolence　to　the　capitalists。　　No　longer　may　they

claim　the　right　to　run　their　own　business；　to　beat　down　the

laborer's　standard　of　living　for　the　sake　of　increased　profits；　to

dictate　terms　of　employment　to　individual　workers；　to　wax

righteously　indignant　when　organized　labor　takes　a　hand　in　their

business。　　No　longer　may　the　capitalist　say　〃my〃　business；　or　even

think　〃my〃　business；　he　must　say　〃our〃　business；　and　think　〃our〃

business　as　well；　accepting　labor　as　a　partner　whose　voice　must　be

heard。　　And　if　the　capitalists　do　not　become　more　meek　and

benevolent　in　their　dealings　with　labor；　labor　will　be　antagonized

and　will　proceed　to　wreak　terrible　political　vengeance；　and　the

present　social　flux　will　harden　into　a　status　of　socialism。



Mr。　Brooks　dreams　of　a　soci