part20-第6章

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repose　of　affections　so　sweetening　to　the　evening　of　our　lives。　　Be

assured；　my　dear　Sir；　that　I　am　incapable　of　recieving　the　slightest

impression　from　the　effort　now　made　to　plant　thorns　on　the　pillow　of

age；　worth；　and　wisdom；　and　to　sow　tares　between　friends　who　have

been　such　for　near　half　a　century。　　Beseeching　you　then　not　to　suffer

your　mind　to　be　disquieted　by　this　wicked　attempt　to　poison　it's

peace；　and　praying　you　to　throw　it　by；　among　the　things　which　have

never　happened；　I　add　sincere　assurances　of　my　unabated；　and　constant

attachment；　friendship　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　THE　MONROE　DOCTRINE




　　　　　　　　_To　the　President　of　the　United　States_

　　　　　　　　（JAMES　MONROE）

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　October　24；　1823_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　The　question　presented　by　the　letters　you　have

sent　me；　is　the　most　momentous　which　has　ever　been　offered　to　my

contemplation　since　that　of　Independence。　　That　made　us　a　nation；

this　sets　our　compass　and　points　the　course　which　we　are　to　steer

through　the　ocean　of　time　opening　on　us。　　And　never　could　we　embark

on　it　under　circumstances　more　auspicious。　　Our　first　and　fundamental

maxim　should　be；　never　to　entangle　ourselves　in　the　broils　of　Europe。

Our　second；　never　to　suffer　Europe　to　intermeddle　with　cis…Atlantic

affairs。　　America；　North　and　South；　has　a　set　of　interests　distinct

from　those　of　Europe；　and　peculiarly　her　own。　　She　should　therefore

have　a　system　of　her　own；　separate　and　apart　from　that　of　Europe。

While　the　last　is　laboring　to　become　the　domicil　of　despotism；　our

endeavor　should　surely　be；　to　make　our　hemisphere　that　of　freedom。

One　nation；　most　of　all；　could　disturb　us　in　this　pursuit；　she　now

offers　to　lead；　aid；　and　accompany　us　in　it。　　By　acceding　to　her

proposition；　we　detach　her　from　the　bands；　bring　her　mighty　weight

into　the　scale　of　free　government；　and　emancipate　a　continent　at　one

stroke；　which　might　otherwise　linger　long　in　doubt　and　difficulty。

Great　Britain　is　the　nation　which　can　do　us　the　most　harm　of　any　one；

or　all　on　earth；　and　with　her　on　our　side　we　need　not　fear　the　whole

world。　　With　her　then；　we　should　most　sedulously　cherish　a　cordial

friendship；　and　nothing　would　tend　more　to　knit　our　affections　than

to　be　fighting　once　more；　side　by　side；　in　the　same　cause。　　Not　that

I　would　purchase　even　her　amity　at　the　price　of　taking　part　in　her

wars。　　But　the　war　in　which　the　present　proposition　might　engage　us；

should　that　be　its　consequence；　is　not　her　war；　but　ours。　　Its　object

is　to　introduce　and　establish　the　American　system；　of　keeping　out　of

our　land　all　foreign　powers；　of　never　permitting　those　of　Europe　to

intermeddle　with　the　affairs　of　our　nations。　　It　is　to　maintain　our

own　principle；　not　to　depart　from　it。　　And　if；　to　facilitate　this；　we

can　effect　a　division　in　the　body　of　the　European　powers；　and　draw

over　to　our　side　its　most　powerful　member；　surely　we　should　do　it。

But　I　am　clearly　of　Mr。　Canning's　opinion；　that　it　will　prevent

instead　of　provoking　war。　　With　Great　Britain　withdrawn　from　their

scale　and　shifted　into　that　of　our　two　continents；　all　Europe

combined　would　not　undertake　such　a　war。　　For　how　would　they　propose

to　get　at　either　enemy　without　superior　fleets？　　Nor　is　the　occasion

to　be　slighted　which　this　proposition　offers；　of　declaring　our

protest　against　the　atrocious　violations　of　the　rights　of　nations；　by

the　interference　of　any　one　in　the　internal　affairs　of　another；　so

flagitiously　begun　by　Bonaparte；　and　now　continued　by　the　equally

lawless　Alliance；　calling　itself　Holy。




　　　　　　　　But　we　have　first　to　ask　ourselves　a　question。　　Do　we　wish　to

acquire　to　our　own　confederacy　any　one　or　more　of　the　Spanish

provinces？　　I　candidly　confess；　that　I　have　ever　looked　on　Cuba　as

the　most　interesting　addition　which　could　ever　be　made　to　our　system

of　States。　　The　control　which；　with　Florida　Point；　this　island　would

give　us　over　the　Gulf　of　Mexico；　and　the　countries　and　isthmus

bordering　on　it；　as　well　as　all　those　whose　waters　flow　into　it；

would　fill　up　the　measure　of　our　political　well…being。　　Yet；　as　I　am

sensible　that　this　can　never　be　obtained；　even　with　her　own　consent；

but　by　war；　and　its　independence；　which　is　our　second　interest；　（and

especially　its　independence　of　England；）　can　be　secured　without　it；　I

have　no　hesitation　in　abandoning　my　first　wish　to　future　chances；　and

accepting　its　independence；　with　peace　and　the　friendship　of　England；

rather　than　its　association；　at　the　expense　of　war　and　her　enmity。




　　　　　　　　I　could　honestly；　therefore；　join　in　the　declaration　proposed；

that　we　aim　not　at　the　acquisition　of　any　of　those　possessions；　that

we　will　not　stand　in　the　way　of　any　amicable　arrangement　between　them

and　the　mother　country；　but　that　we　will　oppose；　with　all　our　means；

the　forcible　interposition　of　any　other　power；　as　auxiliary；

stipendiary；　or　under　any　other　form　or　pretext；　and　most　especially；

their　transfer　to　any　power　by　conquest；　cession；　or　acquisition　in

any　other　way。　　I　should　think　it；　therefore；　advisable；　that　the

Executive　should　encourage　the　British　government　to　a　continuance　in

the　dispositions　expressed　in　these　letters；　by　an　assurance　of　his

concurrence　with　them　as　far　as　his　authority　goes；　and　that　as　it

may　lead　to　war；　the　declaration　of　which　requires　an　act　of

Congress；　the　case　shall　be　laid　before　them　for　consideration　at

their　first　meeting；　and　under　the　reasonable　aspect　in　which　it　is

seen　by　himself。




　　　　　　　　I　have　been　so　long　weaned　from　political　subjects；　and　have　so

long　ceased　to　take　any　interest　in　them；　that　I　am　sensible　I　am　not

qualified　to　offer　opinions　on　them　worthy　of　any　attention。　　But　the

question　now　proposed　involves　consequences　so　lasting；　and　effects

so　decisive　of　our　future　destinies；　as　to　rekindle　all　the　interest

I　have　heretofore　felt　on　such　occasions；　and　to　induce　me　to　the

hazard　of　opinions；　which　will　prove　only　my　wish　to　contribute　still

my　mite　towards　anything　which　may　be　useful　to　our　country。　　And

praying　you　to　accept　it　at　only　what　it　is　worth；　I　add　the

assurance　of　my　constant　and　affectionate　friendship　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　A　PLAN　OF　EMANCIPATION




　　　　　　　　_To　Jared　Sparks_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　February　4；　1824_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　I　duly　received　your　favor　of　the　13th；　and　with

it；　the　last　number　of　the　North　American　Review。　　This　has

anticipated　the　one　I　should　receive　in　course；　but　have　not　yet

received；　under　my　subscription　to　the　new　series。　　The　article　on

the　African　colonization　of　the　people　of　color；　to　which　you　invite

my　attention；　I　have　read　with　great　consideration。　　It　is；　indeed；　a

fine　one；　and　will　do　much　good。　　I　learn　from　it　more；　too；　than　I

had　before　known；　of　the　degree　of　success　and　promise　of　that

colony。




　　　　　　　　In　the　disposition　of　these　unfortunate　people；　there　are　two

rational　objects　to　be　distinctly　kept　in　view。　　First。　The

establishment　of　a　colony　on　the　coast　of　Africa；　which　may　introduce

among　the　aborigines　the　arts　of　cultivated　life；　and　the　blessings

of　civilization　and　science。　　By　doing　this；　we　may　make　to　them　some

retribution　for　the　long　course　of　injuries　we　have　been　committing

on　their　population。　　And　considering　that　these　blessings　will

descend　to　the　_〃nati　natorum；　et　qui　nascentur　ab　illis；〃_　we　shall

in　the　long　run　have　rendered　them　perhaps　more　good　than　evil。　　To

fulfil　this　object；　the　colony　of　Sierra　Leone　promises　well；　and

that　of　Mesurado　adds　to　our　prospect　of　success。　　Under　this　view；

the　colonization　society　is　to　be　considered　as　a　missionary　society；

having　in　view；　however；　objects　more　humane；　more　justifiable；　and

less　aggressive　on　the　peace　of　other　nations；　than　the　others　of

that　appellation。




　　　　　　　　The　subject　object；　and　the　most　interesting　to　us；　as　coming

home　to　our　physical　and　moral　characters；　to　our　happiness　and

safety；　is　to　provide　an　asylum　to　which　we　can；　by　degrees；　send　the

whole　of　that　population　from　among　us；　and　establish　them　under　our

patronage　and　protection；　as　a　separate；　free　and　independent　people；

in　some　country　and　climate　friendly　to　human　life　and　happiness。

That　any　place　on　the　coast　of　Africa　should　answer　the　latter

purpose；　I　have　ever　deemed　entirely　impossible。　　And　without

repeating　the　other　arguments　which　have　been　urged　by　others；　I　will

appeal　to　figures　only；　which　admit　no　controversy。　　I　shall　speak　in

round　numbers；　not　absolutely　accurate；　yet　not　so　wide　from　truth　as

to　vary　the　result　materially。　　There　are　in　the　United　States　a

million　and　a　half　of　people　of　color　in　slavery。　　To　send　off　the

whole　of　these　at　once；　nobody　conceives　to　be　practicable　for　us；　or

expedient　for　them。　　Let　us　take　twenty…five　years　for　its

accomplishment；　within　which　time　they　will　be　doubled。　　Their

estimated　value　as　property；　in　the　first　place；　（for　actual　property

has　been　lawfully　vested　in　that　form；　and　who　can　lawfully　take　it

from　the　possessors？）　at　an　average　of　two　hundred　dollars　each；

young　and　old；　would　amount　to　six　hundred　millions　of　dollars；　which

must　be　paid　or　lost　by　somebody。　　To　this；　add　the　cost　of　their

transportation　by　land　and　sea　to　Mesurado；　a　year's　provision　of

food　and　clothing；　implements　of　husbandry　and　of　their　trades；　which

will　amount　to　three　hundred　millions　more；　making　thirty…six

millions　of　dollars　a　year　for　twenty…five　years；　with　insurance　of

peace　all　that　time；　and　it　is　impossible　to　look　at　the　question　a

second　time。　　I　am　aware　that　at　the　end　of　about　sixteen　years；　a

gradual　detraction　from　this　sum　will　commence；　from　the　gradual

diminution　of　breeders；　and　go　on　during　the　remaining　nine　years。

Calculate　this　deduction；　and　it　is　still　impossible　to　look　at　the

enterprise　a　second　time。　　I　do　not　say　this　to　induce　an　inference

that　the　getting　rid　of　them　is　forever　impossible。　　For　that　is

neither　my　opinion　nor　my　hope。　　But　only　that　it　cannot　be　done　in

this　way。　　There　is；　I　think；　a　way　in　which　it　can　be　done；　that　is；

by　emancipating　the　after…born；　leaving　them；　on　due　compensation；

with　their　mothers；　until　their　services　are　worth　their　maintenance；

and　then　putting　them　to　industrious　occupations；　until　a　proper　age

for　deportation。　　This　was　the　result　of　my　reflections　on　the

subject　five　and　forty　years　ago；　and　I　have　never　yet　been　able　to

conceive　any　other　practicable　plan。　　It　was　sketched　in　the　Notes　on

Virginia；　under　the　fourteenth　query。　　The　estimated　value　of　the

new…born　infant　is　so　low；　（say　twelve　dollars　and　fifty　cents；）　that

it　would　probably　be　yielded　by　the　owner　gratis；　and　would　thus

reduce　the　six　hundred　millions　of　dollars；　the　first　head　of

expense；　to　thirty…seven　millions　and　a　half；　leaving　only　the

expense　of　nourishment　while　with　the　mother；　and　of　transportation