part12-第2章

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possibly；　judge　differently　from　the　executive。　　With　the　same　honest

views；　the　most　honest　men　often　form　different　conclusions。　　As　far；

however；　as　we　can　judge；　the　principle　of　〃free　bottoms；　free

goods；〃　is　that　which　would　carry　the　wishes　of　our　nation。




　　　　　　　　Wishing　you　smooth　seas　and　prosperous　gales；　with　the

enjoyment　of　good　health；　I　tender　you　the　assurances　of　my　constant

friendship　&　high　consideration　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　INTERCHANGEABLE　PARTS




　　　　　　　　_To　James　Monroe_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Nov。　14；　1801_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　The　bearer　hereof　is　Mr。　Whitney　at　Connecticut　a

mechanic　of　the　first　order　of　ingenuity；　who　invented　the　cotton　gin

now　so　much　used　in　the　South；　he　is　at　the　head　of　a　considerable

gun　manufactory　in　Connecticut；　and　furnishes　the　U。S。　with　muskets

undoubtedly　the　best　they　receive。　　He　has　invented　molds　and

machines　for　making　all　the　pieces　of　his　locks　so　exactly　equal；

that　take　100　locks　to　pieces　and　mingle　their　parts　and　the　hundred

locks　may　be　put　together　as　well　by　taking　the　first　pieces　which

come　to　hand。　　This　is　of　importance　in　repairing；　because　out　of　10

locks　e。g。　disabled　for　the　want　of　different　pieces；　9　good　locks

may　be　put　together　without　employing　a　smith。　　Leblanc　in　France　had

invented　a　similar　process　in　1788　and　had　extended　it　to　the　barrel；

mounting　&　stock。　　I　endeavored　to　get　the　U。S。　to　bring　him　over；

which　he　was　ready　for　on　moderate　terms。　　I　failed　and　I　do　not　know

what　became　of　him。　　Mr。　Whitney　has　not　yet　extended　his

improvements　beyond　the　lock。　　I　think　it　possible　he　might　be

engaged　in　our　manufactory　of　Richmd。　tho'　I　have　not　asked　him　the

question。　　I　know　nothing　of　his　moral　character。　　He　is　now　on　his

way　to　S。　Carola。　on　the　subject　of　his　gin。　　Health　&　happiness　cum

caeteris　votis。







　　　　　　　　AFRICAN　COLONIZATION




　　　　　　　　_To　the　Governor　of　Virginia_

　　　　　　　　（JAMES　MONROE）

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Nov。　24；　1801_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　I　had　not　been　unmindful　of　your　letter　of　June

15；　covering　a　resolution　of　the　House　of　Representatives　of

Virginia；　and　referred　to　in　yours　of　the　17th　inst。　　The　importance

of　the　subject；　and　the　belief　that　it　gave　us　time　for　consideration

till　the　next　meeting　of　the　Legislature；　have　induced　me　to　defer

the　answer　to　this　date。　　You　will　perceive　that　some　circumstances

connected　with　the　subject；　&　necessarily　presenting　themselves　to

view；　would　be　improper　but　for　yours'　&　the　legislative　ear。　　Their

publication　might　have　an　ill　effect　in　more　than　one　quarter。　　In

confidence　of　attention　to　this；　I　shall　indulge　greater　freedom　in

writing。




　　　　　　　　Common　malefactors；　I　presume；　make　no　part　of　the　object　of

that　resolution。　　Neither　their　numbers；　nor　the　nature　of　their

offences；　seem　to　require　any　provisions　beyond　those　practised

heretofore；　&　found　adequate　to　the　repression　of　ordinary　crimes。

Conspiracy；　insurgency；　treason；　rebellion；　among　that　description　of

persons　who　brought　on　us　the　alarm；　and　on　themselves　the　tragedy；

of　1800；　were　doubtless　within　the　view　of　every　one；　but　many

perhaps　contemplated；　and　one　expression　of　the　resolution　might

comprehend；　a　much　larger　scope。　　Respect　to　both　opinions　makes　it

my　duty　to　understand　the　resolution　in　all　the　extent　of　which　it　is

susceptible。




　

　　　　　　　　The　idea　seems　to　be　to　provide　for　these　people　by　a　purchase

of　lands；　and　it　is　asked　whether　such　a　purchase　can　be　made　of　the

U　S　in　their　western　territory？　　A　very　great　extent　of　country；

north　of　the　Ohio；　has　been　laid　off　into　townships；　and　is　now　at

market；　according　to　the　provisions　of　the　acts　of　Congress；　with

which　you　are　acquainted。　　There　is　nothing　which　would　restrain　the

State　of　Virginia　either　in　the　purchase　or　the　application　of　these

lands；　but　a　purchase；　by　the　acre；　might　perhaps　be　a　more　expensive

provision　than　the　H　of　Representatives　contemplated。　　Questions

would　also　arise　whether　the　establishment　of　such　a　colony　within

our　limits；　and　to　become　a　part　of　our　union；　would　be　desirable　to

the　State　of　Virginia　itself；　or　to　the　other　States　…　especially

those　who　would　be　in　its　vicinity？




　　　　　　　　Could　we　procure　lands　beyond　the　limits　of　the　U　S　to　form　a

receptacle　for　these　people？　　On　our　northern　boundary；　the　country

not　occupied　by　British　subjects；　is　the　property　of　Indian　nations；

whose　title　would　be　to　be　extinguished；　with　the　consent　of　Great

Britain；　&　the　new　settlers　would　be　British　subjects。　　It　is　hardly

to　be　believed　that　either　Great　Britain　or　the　Indian　proprietors

have　so　disinterested　a　regard　for　us；　as　to　be　willing　to　relieve

us；　by　receiving　such　a　colony　themselves；　and　as　much　to　be　doubted

whether　that　race　of　men　could　long　exist　in　so　rigorous　a　climate。

On　our　western　&　southern　frontiers；　Spain　holds　an　immense　country；

the　occupancy　of　which；　however；　is　in　the　Indian　natives；　except　a

few　insulated　spots　possessed　by　Spanish　subjects。　　It　is　very

questionable；　indeed；　whether　the　Indians　would　sell？　whether　Spain

would　be　willing　to　receive　these　people？　and　nearly　certain　that　she

would　not　alienate　the　sovereignty。　　The　same　question　to　ourselves

would　recur　here　also；　as　did　in　the　first　case：　should　we　be　willing

to　have　such　a　colony　in　contact　with　us？　　However　our　present

interests　may　restrain　us　within　our　own　limits；　it　is　impossible　not

to　look　forward　to　distant　times；　when　our　rapid　multiplication　will

expand　itself　beyond　those　limits；　&　cover　the　whole　northern；　if　not

the　southern　continent；　with　a　people　speaking　the　same　language；

governed　in　similar　forms；　&　by　similar　laws；　nor　can　we　contemplate

with　satisfaction　either　blot　or　mixture　on　that　surface。　　Spain；

France；　and　Portugal　hold　possessions　on　the　southern　continent；　as

to　which　I　am　not　well　enough　informed　to　say　how　far　they　might　meet

our　views。　　But　either　there　or　in　the　northern　continent；　should　the

constituted　authorities　of　Virginia　fix　their　attention；　of

preference；　I　will　have　the　dispositions　of　those　powers　sounded　in

the　first　instance。




　　　　　　　　The　West　Indies　offer　a　more　probable　&　practicable　retreat　for

them。　　Inhabited　already　by　a　people　of　their　own　race　&　color；

climates　congenial　with　their　natural　constitution；　insulated　from

the　other　descriptions　of　men；　nature　seems　to　have　formed　these

islands　to　become　the　receptacle　of　the　blacks　transplanted　into　this

hemisphere。　　Whether　we　could　obtain　from　the　European　sovereigns　of

those　islands　leave　to　send　thither　the　persons　under　consideration；

I　cannot　say；　but　I　think　it　more　probable　than　the　former

propositions；　because　of　their　being　already　inhabited　more　or　less

by　the　same　race。　　The　most　promising　portion　of　them　is　the　island

of　St。　Domingo；　where　the　blacks　are　established　into　a　sovereignty

_de　facto_；　&　have　organized　themselves　under　regular　laws　&

government。　　I　should　conjecture　that　their　present　ruler　might　be

willing；　on　many　considerations；　to　receive　even　that　description

which　would　be　exiled　for　acts　deemed　criminal　by　us；　but

meritorious；　perhaps；　by　him。　　The　possibility　that　these　exiles

might　stimulate　&　conduct　vindicative　or　predatory　descents　on　our

coasts；　&　facilitate　concert　with　their　brethren　remaining　here；

looks　to　a　state　of　things　between　that　island　&　us　not　probable　on　a

contemplation　of　our　relative　strength；　and　of　the　disproportion

daily　growing；　and　it　is　overweighed　by　the　humanity　of　the　measures

proposed；　&　the　advantages　of　disembarrassing　ourselves　of　such

dangerous　characters。　　Africa　would　offer　a　last　&　undoubted　resort；

if　all　others　more　desirable　should　fail　us。　　Whenever　the

Legislature　of　Virginia　shall　have　brought　it's　mind　to　a　point；　so

that　I　may　know　exactly　what　to　propose　to　foreign　authorities；　I

will　execute　their　wishes　with　fidelity　&　zeal。　　I　hope；　however；

they　will　pardon　me　for　suggesting　a　single　question　for　their　own

consideration。　　When　we　contemplate　the　variety　of　countries　&　of

sovereigns　towards　which　we　may　direct　our　views；　the　vast

revolutions　&　changes　of　circumstances　which　are　now　in　a　course　of

progression；　the　possibilities　that　arrangements　now　to　be　made；　with

a　view　to　any　particular　plan；　may；　at　no　great　distance　of　time；　be

totally　deranged　by　a　change　of　sovereignty；　of　government；　or　of

other　circumstances；　it　will　be　for　the　Legislature　to　consider

whether；　after　they　shall　have　made　all　those　general　provisions

which　may　be　fixed　by　legislative　authority；　it　would　be　reposing　too

much　confidence　in　their　Executive　to　leave　the　place　of　relegation

to　be　decided　on　by　_them_。　　They　could　accommodate　their

arrangements　to　the　actual　state　of　things；　in　which　countries　or

powers　may　be　found　to　exist　at　the　day；　and　may　prevent　the　effect

of　the　law　from　being　defeated　by　intervening　changes。　　This；

however；　is　for　them　to　decide。　　Our　duty　will　be　to　respect　their

decision。







　　　　　　　　LIMITS　OF　THE　PRACTICABLE




　　　　　　　　_To　P。　S。　Dupont　de　Nemours_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Jan。　18；　1802_







　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　It　is　rare　I　can　indulge　myself　in　the　luxury　of

philosophy。　　Your　letters　give　me　a　few　of　those　delicious　moments。

Placed　as　you　are　in　a　great　commercial　town；　with　little　opportunity

of　discovering　the　dispositions　of　the　country　portions　of　our

citizens；　I　do　not　wonder　at　your　doubts　whether　they　will　generally

and　sincerely　concur　in　the　sentiments　and　measures　developed　in　my

message　of　the　7th　Jany。　　But　from　40。　years　of　intimate　conversation

with　the　agricultural　inhabitants　of　my　country；　I　can　pronounce　them

as　different　from　those　of　the　cities；　as　those　of　any　two　nations

known。　　The　sentiments　of　the　former　can　in　no　degree　be　inferred

from　those　of　the　latter。　　You　have　spoken　a　profound　truth　in　these

words；　〃Il　y　a　dans　les　etats　unis　un　bon　sens　silencieux；　un　esprit

de　justice　froide；　qui　lorsqu'il　est　question　d'emettre　un　_vote_

comme　les　bavardages　de　ceux　qui　font　les　habiles。〃　　A　plain　country

farmer　has　written　lately　a　pamphlet　on　our　public　affairs。　　His

testimony　of　the　sense　of　the　country　is　the　best　which　can　be

produced　of　the　justness　of　your　observation。　　His　words　are　〃The

tongue　of　man　is　not　his　whole　body。　　So；　in　this　case；　the　noisy

part　of　the　community　was　not　all　the　body　politic。　　During　the

career　of　fury　and　contention　（in　1800）　the　sedate；　grave　part　of　the

people　were　still；　hearing　all；　and　judging　for　themselves；　what

method　to　take；　when　the　constitutional　time　of　action　should　come；

the　exercise　of　the　right　of　suffrage。〃　　The　majority　of　the　present

legislature　are　in　unison　with　the　agricultural　part　of　our　citizens；

and　you　will　see　that　there　is　nothing　in　the　message；　to　which　they

do　not　accord。