democracy in america-1-第45章

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e　of　public　order。　Its　power　is　certainly　much　greater　in　France　than　in　the　United　States；　though　nothing　is　more　rare　in　the　latter　country　than　to　hear　of　a　prosecution　having　been　instituted　against　it。　　The　reason　of　this　is　perfectly　simple：　the　Americans；　having　once　admitted　the　doctrine　of　the　sovereignty　of　the　people；　apply　it　with　perfect　consistency。　　It　was　never　their　intention　to　found　a　permanent　state　of　things　with　elements　which　undergo　daily　modifications；　and　there　is　consequently　nothing　criminal　in　an　attack　upon　the　existing　laws；　provided　it　be　not　attended　with　a　violent　infraction　of　them。　　They　are　moreover　of　opinion　that　courts　of　justice　are　unable　to　check　the　abuses　of　the　press；　and　that　as　the　subtilty　of　human　language　perpetually　eludes　the　severity　of　judicial　analysis；　offences　of　this　nature　are　apt　to　escape　the　hand　which　attempts　to　apprehend　them。　　They　hold　that　to　act　with　efficacy　upon　the　press　it　would　be　necessary　to　find　a　tribunal；　not　only　devoted　to　the　existing　order　of　things；　but　capable　of　surmounting　the　influence　of　public　opinion；　a　tribunal　which　should　conduct　its　proceedings　without　publicity；　which　should　pronounce　its　decrees　without　assigning　its　motives；　and　punish　the　intentions　even　more　than　the　language　of　an　author。　　Whosoever　should　have　the　power　of　creating　and　maintaining　a　tribunal　of　this　kind　would　waste　his　time　in　prosecuting　the　liberty　of　the　press；　for　he　would　be　the　supreme　master　of　the　whole　community；　and　he　would　be　as　free　to　rid　himself　of　the　authors　as　of　their　writings。　　In　this　question；　therefore；　there　is　no　medium　between　servitude　and　extreme　license；　in　order　to　enjoy　the　inestimable　benefits　which　the　liberty　of　the　press　ensures；　it　is　necessary　to　submit　to　the　inevitable　evils　which　it　engenders。　　To　expect　to　acquire　the　former　and　to　escape　the　latter　is　to　cherish　one　of　those　illusions　which　commonly　mislead　nations　in　their　times　of　sickness；　when；　tired　with　faction　and　exhausted　by　effort；　they　attempt　to　combine　hostile　opinions　and　contrary　principles　upon　the　same　soil。

The　small　influence　of　the　American　journals　is　attributable　to　several　reasons；　amongst　which　are　the　following：

The　liberty　of　writing；　like　all　other　liberty；　is　most　formidable　when　it　is　a　novelty；　for　a　people　which　has　never　been　accustomed　to　co…operate　in　the　conduct　of　State　affairs　places　implicit　confidence　in　the　first　tribune　who　arouses　its　attention。　　The　Anglo…Americans　have　enjoyed　this　liberty　ever　since　the　foundation　of　the　settlements；　moreover；　the　press　cannot　create　human　passions　by　its　own　power；　however　skillfully　it　may　kindle　them　where　they　exist。　　In　America　politics　are　discussed　with　animation　and　a　varied　activity；　but　they　rarely　touch　those　deep　passions　which　are　excited　whenever　the　positive　interest　of　a　part　of　the　community　is　impaired：　but　in　the　United　States　the　interests　of　the　community　are　in　a　most　prosperous　condition。　　A　single　glance　upon　a　French　and　an　American　newspaper　is　sufficient　to　show　the　difference　which　exists　between　the　two　nations　on　this　head。　　In　France　the　space　allotted　to　commercial　advertisements　is　very　limited；　and　the　intelligence　is　not　considerable；　but　the　most　essential　part　of　the　journal　is　that　which　contains　the　discussion　of　the　politics　of　the　day。　　In　America　three…quarters　of　the　enormous　sheet　which　is　set　before　the　reader　are　filled　with　advertisements；　and　the　remainder　is　frequently　occupied　by　political　intelligence　or　trivial　anecdotes：　it　is　only　from　time　to　time　that　one　finds　a　corner　devoted　to　passionate　discussions　like　those　with　which　the　journalists　of　France　are　wont　to　indulge　their　readers。

It　has　been　demonstrated　by　observation；　and　discovered　by　the　innate　sagacity　of　the　pettiest　as　well　as　the　greatest　of　despots；　that　the　influence　of　a　power　is　increased　in　proportion　as　its　direction　is　rendered　more　central。　　In　France　the　press　combines　a　twofold　centralization；　almost　all　its　power　is　centred　in　the　same　spot；　and　vested　in　the　same　hands；　for　its　organs　are　far　from　numerous。　　The　influence　of　a　public　press　thus　constituted；　upon　a　sceptical　nation；　must　be　unbounded。　　It　is　an　enemy　with　which　a　Government　may　sign　an　occasional　truce；　but　which　it　is　difficult　to　resist　for　any　length　of　time。

Neither　of　these　kinds　of　centralization　exists　in　America。　　The　United　States　have　no　metropolis；　the　intelligence　as　well　as　the　power　of　the　country　are　dispersed　abroad；　and　instead　of　radiating　from　a　point；　they　cross　each　other　in　every　direction；　the　Americans　have　established　no　central　control　over　the　expression　of　opinion；　any　more　than　over　the　conduct　of　business。　　These　are　circumstances　which　do　not　depend　on　human　foresight；　but　it　is　owing　to　the　laws　of　the　Union　that　there　are　no　licenses　to　be　granted　to　printers；　no　securities　demanded　from　editors　as　in　France；　and　no　stamp　duty　as　in　France　and　formerly　in　England。　　The　consequence　of　this　is　that　nothing　is　easier　than　to　set　up　a　newspaper；　and　a　small　number　of　readers　suffices　to　defray　the　expenses　of　the　editor。

The　number　of　periodical　and　occasional　publications　which　appears　in　the　United　States　actually　surpasses　belief。　　The　most　enlightened　Americans　attribute　the　subordinate　influence　of　the　press　to　this　excessive　dissemination；　and　it　is　adopted　as　an　axiom　of　political　science　in　that　country　that　the　only　way　to　neutralize　the　effect　of　public　journals　is　to　multiply　them　indefinitely。　　I　cannot　conceive　that　a　truth　which　is　so　self…　evident　should　not　already　have　been　more　generally　admitted　in　Europe；　it　is　comprehensible　that　the　persons　who　hope　to　bring　about　revolutions　by　means　of　the　press　should　be　desirous　of　confining　its　action　to　a　few　powerful　organs；　but　it　is　perfectly　incredible　that　the　partisans　of　the　existing　state　of　things；　and　the　natural　supporters　of　the　law；　should　attempt　to　diminish　the　influence　of　the　press　by　concentrating　its　authority。　The　Governments　of　Europe　seem　to　treat　the　press　with　the　courtesy　of　the　knights　of　old；　they　are　anxious　to　furnish　it　with　the　same　central　power　which　they　have　found　to　be　so　trusty　a　weapon；　in　order　to　enhance　the　glory　of　their　resistance　to　its　attacks。　

In　America　there　is　scarcely　a　hamlet　which　has　not　its　own　newspaper。　It　may　readily　be　imagined　that　neither　discipline　nor　unity　of　design　can　be　communicated　to　so　multifarious　a　host；　and　each　one　is　consequently　led　to　fight　under　his　own　standard。　　All　the　political　journals　of　the　United　States　are　indeed　arrayed　on　the　side　of　the　administration　or　against　it；　but　they　attack　and　defend　in　a　thousand　different　ways。　　They　cannot　succeed　in　forming　those　great　currents　of　opinion　which　overwhelm　the　most　solid　obstacles。　　This　division　of　the　influence　of　the　press　produces　a　variety　of　other　consequences　which　are　scarcely　less　remarkable。　　The　facility　with　which　journals　can　be　established　induces　a　multitude　of　individuals　to　take　a　part　in　them；　but　as　the　extent　of　competition　precludes　the　possibility　of　considerable　profit；　the　most　distinguished　classes　of　society　are　rarely　led　to　engage　in　these　undertakings。　　But　such　is　the　number　of　the　public　prints　that；　even　if　they　were　a　source　of　wealth；　writers　of　ability　could　not　be　found　to　direct　them　all。　　The　journalists　of　the　United　States　are　usually　placed　in　a　very　humble　position；　with　a　scanty　education　and　a　vulgar　turn　of　mind。　　The　will　of　the　majority　is　the　most　general　of　laws；　and　it　establishes　certain　habits　which　form　the　characteristics　of　each　peculiar　class　of　society；　thus　it　dictates　the　etiquette　practised　at　courts　and　the　etiquette　of　the　bar。　　The　characteristics　of　the　French　journalist　consist　in　a　violent；　but　frequently　an　eloquent　and　lofty；　manner　of　discussing　the　politics　of　the　day；　and　the　exceptions　to　this　habitual　practice　are　only　occasional。　　The　characteristics　of　the　American　journalist　consist　in　an　open　and　coarse　appeal　to　the　passions　of　the　populace；　and　he　habitually　abandons　the　principles　of　political　science　to　assail　the　characters　of　individuals；　to　track　them　into　private　life；　and　disclose　all　their　weaknesses　and　errors。

Nothing　can　be　more　deplorable　than　this　abuse　of　the　powers　of　thought；　I　shall　have　occasion　to　point　out　hereafter　the　influence　of　the　newspapers　upon　the　taste　and　the　morality　of　the　American　people；　but　my　present　subject　exclusively　concerns　the　political　world。　　It　cannot　be　denied　that　the　effects　of　this　extreme　license　of　the　press　tend　indirectly　to　the　maintenance　of　public　order。　　The　individuals　who　are　already　in　the　possession　of　a　high　station　in　the　esteem　of　their　fellow…citizens　are　afraid　to　write　in　the　newspapers；　and　they　are　thus　deprived　of　the　most　powerful　instrument　which　they　can　use　to　excite　the　passions　of　the　multitude　to　their　own　advantage。　*a

＇Footnote　a：　They　only　write　in　the　papers　when　they　choose　to　address　the　people　in　their　own　name；　as；　for　instance；　when　they　are　called　upon　to　repel　calumnious　imputations；　and　to　correct　a　misstatement　of　facts。＇

The　personal　opinions　of　the　editors　have　no　kind　of　weight　in　the　eyes　of　the　public：　the　only　use　of　a　journal　is；　that　it　imparts　the　knowledge　of　certain　facts；　and　it　is　only　by　altering　or　distorting　those　facts　that　a　journalist　can　contribute　to　the　support　of　his　own　views。

But　although　the　press　is　limited　to　these　resources；　its　influence　in　America　is　immense。　　It　is　the　power　which　impels　the　circulation　of　political　life　through　all　the　districts　of　that　vast　territory。　　Its　eye　is　constantly　open　to　detect　the　secret　springs　of　political　designs；　and　to　summon　the　leaders　of　all　parties　to　the　bar　of　public　opinion。　　It　rallies　the　interests　of　the　community　round　certain　principles；　and　it　draws　up　the　creed　which　factions　adopt；　for　it　affords　a　means　of　intercourse　between　parties　which　hear；　and　which　address　each　other　without　ever　having　been　in　immediate　contact。　　When　a　great　number　of　the　organs　of　the　press　adopt　the　same　line　of　conduct；　their　influence　becomes　irresistible；　and　public　opinion；　when　it　is　perpetually　assailed　from　the　same　side；　eventually　yields　to　the　attack。　In　the　United　States　each　separate　journal　exercises　but　little　authority；　but　the　power　of　the　periodical　press　is　only　second　to　that　of　the　people。　*b

＇Footnote　b：　See　Appendix；　P。＇

The　opinions　established　in　the　United　States　under　the　empire　of　the　liberty　of　the　press　are　frequently　more　firmly　rooted　than　those　which　are　formed　elsewhere　under　the　sanction　of　a　censor。

In　the　United　States　the　democracy　perpetually　raises　fresh　individuals　to　the　conduct　of　public　affairs；　and　the　measures　of　the　administration　are　consequently　seldom　regulated　by　the　strict　rules　of　consistency　or　of　order。　But　the　general　principles　of　the　Government　are　more　stable；　and　the　opinions　most　prevalent　in　society　are　generally　more　durable　than　in　many　other　countries。　　When　once　the　Americans　have　taken　up　an　idea；　whether　it　be　well　or　ill　founded；　nothing　is　more　difficult　than　to　eradicate　it　from　their　minds。　　The　same　tenacity　of　opinion　has　been　observed　in　England；　where；　f