democracy in america-1-第46章

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　eradicate　it　from　their　minds。　　The　same　tenacity　of　opinion　has　been　observed　in　England；　where；　for　the　last　century；　greater　freedom　of　conscience　and　more　invincible　prejudices　have　existed　than　in　all　the　other　countries　of　Europe。　I　attribute　this　consequence　to　a　cause　which　may　at　first　sight　appear　to　have　a　very　opposite　tendency；　namely；　to　the　liberty　of　the　press。　　The　nations　amongst　which　this　liberty　exists　are　as　apt　to　cling　to　their　opinions　from　pride　as　from　conviction。　　They　cherish　them　because　they　hold　them　to　be　just；　and　because　they　exercised　their　own　free…will　in　choosing　them；　and　they　maintain　them　not　only　because　they　are　true；　but　because　they　are　their　own。　　Several　other　reasons　conduce　to　the　same　end。

It　was　remarked　by　a　man　of　genius　that　〃ignorance　lies　at　the　two　ends　of　knowledge。〃　Perhaps　it　would　have　been　more　correct　to　have　said；　that　absolute　convictions　are　to　be　met　with　at　the　two　extremities；　and　that　doubt　lies　in　the　middle；　for　the　human　intellect　may　be　considered　in　three　distinct　states；　which　frequently　succeed　one　another。　　A　man　believes　implicitly；　because　he　adopts　a　proposition　without　inquiry。　　He　doubts　as　soon　as　he　is　assailed　by　the　objections　which　his　inquiries　may　have　aroused。　But　he　frequently　succeeds　in　satisfying　these　doubts；　and　then　he　begins　to　believe　afresh：　he　no　longer　lays　hold　on　a　truth　in　its　most　shadowy　and　uncertain　form；　but　he　sees　it　clearly　before　him；　and　he　advances　onwards　by　the　light　it　gives　him。　*c

＇Footnote　c：　It　may；　however；　be　doubted　whether　this　rational　and　self…guiding　conviction　arouses　as　much　fervor　or　enthusiastic　devotedness　in　men　as　their　first　dogmatical　belief。＇

When　the　liberty　of　the　press　acts　upon　men　who　are　in　the　first　of　these　three　states；　it　does　not　immediately　disturb　their　habit　of　believing　implicitly　without　investigation；　but　it　constantly　modifies　the　objects　of　their　intuitive　convictions。　　The　human　mind　continues　to　discern　but　one　point　upon　the　whole　intellectual　horizon；　and　that　point　is　in　continual　motion。　　Such　are　the　symptoms　of　sudden　revolutions；　and　of　the　misfortunes　which　are　sure　to　befall　those　generations　which　abruptly　adopt　the　unconditional　freedom　of　the　press。

The　circle　of　novel　ideas　is；　however；　soon　terminated；　the　touch　of　experience　is　upon　them；　and　the　doubt　and　mistrust　which　their　uncertainty　produces　become　universal。　　We　may　rest　assured　that　the　majority　of　mankind　will　either　believe　they　know　not　wherefore；　or　will　not　know　what　to　believe。　Few　are　the　beings　who　can　ever　hope　to　attain　to　that　state　of　rational　and　independent　conviction　which　true　knowledge　can　beget　in　defiance　of　the　attacks　of　doubt。

It　has　been　remarked　that　in　times　of　great　religious　fervor　men　sometimes　change　their　religious　opinions；　whereas　in　times　of　general　scepticism　everyone　clings　to　his　own　persuasion。　　The　same　thing　takes　place　in　politics　under　the　liberty　of　the　press。　　In　countries　where　all　the　theories　of　social　science　have　been　contested　in　their　turn；　the　citizens　who　have　adopted　one　of　them　stick　to　it；　not　so　much　because　they　are　assured　of　its　excellence；　as　because　they　are　not　convinced　of　the　superiority　of　any　other。　　In　the　present　age　men　are　not　very　ready　to　die　in　defence　of　their　opinions；　but　they　are　rarely　inclined　to　change　them；　and　there　are　fewer　martyrs　as　well　as　fewer　apostates。　

Another　still　more　valid　reason　may　yet　be　adduced：　when　no　abstract　opinions　are　looked　upon　as　certain；　men　cling　to　the　mere　propensities　and　external　interests　of　their　position；　which　are　naturally　more　tangible　and　more　permanent　than　any　opinions　in　the　world。

It　is　not　a　question　of　easy　solution　whether　aristocracy　or　democracy　is　most　fit　to　govern　a　country。　　But　it　is　certain　that　democracy　annoys　one　part　of　the　community；　and　that　aristocracy　oppresses　another　part。　　When　the　question　is　reduced　to　the　simple　expression　of　the　struggle　between　poverty　and　wealth；　the　tendency　of　each　side　of　the　dispute　becomes　perfectly　evident　without　further　controversy。



Chapter　XII：　Political　Associations　In　The　United　States

Chapter　Summary

Daily　use　which　the　Anglo…Americans　make　of　the　right　of　association　…　Three　kinds　of　political　associations　…　In　what　manner　the　Americans　apply　the　representative　system　to　associations　…　Dangers　resulting　to　the　State　…　Great　Convention　of　1831　relative　to　the　Tariff　…　Legislative　character　of　this　Convention　…　Why　the　unlimited　exercise　of　the　right　of　association　is　less　dangerous　in　the　United　States　than　elsewhere　…　Why　it　may　be　looked　upon　as　necessary　…　Utility　of　associations　in　a　democratic　people。

Political　Associations　In　The　United　States

In　no　country　in　the　world　has　the　principle　of　association　been　more　successfully　used；　or　more　unsparingly　applied　to　a　multitude　of　different　objects；　than　in　America。　　Besides　the　permanent　associations　which　are　established　by　law　under　the　names　of　townships；　cities；　and　counties；　a　vast　number　of　others　are　formed　and　maintained　by　the　agency　of　private　individuals。　

The　citizen　of　the　United　States　is　taught　from　his　earliest　infancy　to　rely　upon　his　own　exertions　in　order　to　resist　the　evils　and　the　difficulties　of　life；　he　looks　upon　social　authority　with　an　eye　of　mistrust　and　anxiety；　and　he　only　claims　its　assistance　when　he　is　quite　unable　to　shift　without　it。　This　habit　may　even　be　traced　in　the　schools　of　the　rising　generation；　where　the　children　in　their　games　are　wont　to　submit　to　rules　which　they　have　themselves　established；　and　to　punish　misdemeanors　which　they　have　themselves　defined。　　The　same　spirit　pervades　every　act　of　social　life。　　If　a　stoppage　occurs　in　a　thoroughfare；　and　the　circulation　of　the　public　is　hindered；　the　neighbors　immediately　constitute　a　deliberative　body；　and　this　extemporaneous　assembly　gives　rise　to　an　executive　power　which　remedies　the　inconvenience　before　anybody　has　thought　of　recurring　to　an　authority　superior　to　that　of　the　persons　immediately　concerned。　　If　the　public　pleasures　are　concerned；　an　association　is　formed　to　provide　for　the　splendor　and　the　regularity　of　the　entertainment。　　Societies　are　formed　to　resist　enemies　which　are　exclusively　of　a　moral　nature；　and　to　diminish　the　vice　of　intemperance：　in　the　United　States　associations　are　established　to　promote　public　order；　commerce；　industry；　morality；　and　religion；　for　there　is　no　end　which　the　human　will；　seconded　by　the　collective　exertions　of　individuals；　despairs　of　attaining。

I　shall　hereafter　have　occasion　to　show　the　effects　of　association　upon　the　course　of　society；　and　I　must　confine　myself　for　the　present　to　the　political　world。　　When　once　the　right　of　association　is　recognized；　the　citizens　may　employ　it　in　several　different　ways。

An　association　consists　simply　in　the　public　assent　which　a　number　of　individuals　give　to　certain　doctrines；　and　in　the　engagement　which　they　contract　to　promote　the　spread　of　those　doctrines　by　their　exertions。　　The　right　of　association　with　these　views　is　very　analogous　to　the　liberty　of　unlicensed　writing；　but　societies　thus　formed　possess　more　authority　than　the　press。　　When　an　opinion　is　represented　by　a　society；　it　necessarily　assumes　a　more　exact　and　explicit　form。　　It　numbers　its　partisans；　and　compromises　their　welfare　in　its　cause：　they；　on　the　other　hand；　become　acquainted　with　each　other；　and　their　zeal　is　increased　by　their　number。　　An　association　unites　the　efforts　of　minds　which　have　a　tendency　to　diverge　in　one　single　channel；　and　urges　them　vigorously　towards　one　single　end　which　it　points　out。

The　second　degree　in　the　right　of　association　is　the　power　of　meeting。　When　an　association　is　allowed　to　establish　centres　of　action　at　certain　important　points　in　the　country；　its　activity　is　increased　and　its　influence　extended。　　Men　have　the　opportunity　of　seeing　each　other；　means　of　execution　are　more　readily　combined；　and　opinions　are　maintained　with　a　degree　of　warmth　and　energy　which　written　language　cannot　approach。

Lastly；　in　the　exercise　of　the　right　of　political　association；　there　is　a　third　degree：　the　partisans　of　an　opinion　may　unite　in　electoral　bodies；　and　choose　delegates　to　represent　them　in　a　central　assembly。　　This　is；　properly　speaking；　the　application　of　the　representative　system　to　a　party。

Thus；　in　the　first　instance；　a　society　is　formed　between　individuals　professing　the　same　opinion；　and　the　tie　which　keeps　it　together　is　of　a　purely　intellectual　nature；　in　the　second　case；　small　assemblies　are　formed　which　only　represent　a　fraction　of　the　party。　　Lastly；　in　the　third　case；　they　constitute　a　separate　nation　in　the　midst　of　the　nation；　a　government　within　the　Government。　　Their　delegates；　like　the　real　delegates　of　the　majority；　represent　the　entire　collective　force　of　their　party；　and　they　enjoy　a　certain　degree　of　that　national　dignity　and　great　influence　which　belong　to　the　chosen　representatives　of　the　people。　　It　is　true　that　they　have　not　the　right　of　making　the　laws；　but　they　have　the　power　of　attacking　those　which　are　in　being；　and　of　drawing　up　beforehand　those　which　they　may　afterwards　cause　to　be　adopted。

If；　in　a　people　which　is　imperfectly　accustomed　to　the　exercise　of　freedom；　or　which　is　exposed　to　violent　political　passions；　a　deliberating　minority；　which　confines　itself　to　the　contemplation　of　future　laws；　be　placed　in　juxtaposition　to　the　legislative　majority；　I　cannot　but　believe　that　public　tranquillity　incurs　very　great　risks　in　that　nation。　　There　is　doubtless　a　very　wide　difference　between　proving　that　one　law　is　in　itself　better　than　another　and　proving　that　the　former　ought　to　be　substituted　for　the　latter。　But　the　imagination　of　the　populace　is　very　apt　to　overlook　this　difference；　which　is　so　apparent　to　the　minds　of　thinking　men。　　It　sometimes　happens　that　a　nation　is　divided　into　two　nearly　equal　parties；　each　of　which　affects　to　represent　the　majority。　　If；　in　immediate　contiguity　to　the　directing　power；　another　power　be　established；　which　exercises　almost　as　much　moral　authority　as　the　former；　it　is　not　to　be　believed　that　it　will　long　be　content　to　speak　without　acting；　or　that　it　will　always　be　restrained　by　the　abstract　consideration　of　the　nature　of　associations　which　are　meant　to　direct　but　not　to　enforce　opinions；　to　suggest　but　not　to　make　the　laws。

The　more　we　consider　the　independence　of　the　press　in　its　principal　consequences；　the　more　are　we　convinced　that　it　is　the　chief　and；　so　to　speak；　the　constitutive　element　of　freedom　in　the　modern　world。　　A　nation　which　is　determined　to　remain　free　is　therefore　right　in　demanding　the　unrestrained　exercise　of　this　independence。　　But　the　unrestrained　liberty　of　political　association　cannot　be　entirely　assimilated　to　the　liberty　of　the　press。　　The　one　is　at　the　same　time　less　necessary　and　more　dangerous　than　the　other。　　A　nation　may　confine　it　within　certain　limits　without　forfeiting　any　part　of　its　self…control；　and　it　may　sometimes　be　obliged　to　do　so　in　order　to　maintain　its　own　authority。

In　America　the　liberty　of　association　for　political　purposes　is　unbounded。　　An　example　will　show　in　the　clearest　light　to　what　an　extent　this　privilege　is　tolerated。

The　q