democracy in america-1-第47章

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In　America　the　liberty　of　association　for　political　purposes　is　unbounded。　　An　example　will　show　in　the　clearest　light　to　what　an　extent　this　privilege　is　tolerated。

The　question　of　the　tariff；　or　of　free　trade；　produced　a　great　manifestation　of　party　feeling　in　America；　the　tariff　was　not　only　a　subject　of　debate　as　a　matter　of　opinion；　but　it　exercised　a　favorable　or　a　prejudicial　influence　upon　several　very　powerful　interests　of　the　States。　The　North　attributed　a　great　portion　of　its　prosperity；　and　the　South　all　its　sufferings；　to　this　system；　insomuch　that　for　a　long　time　the　tariff　was　the　sole　source　of　the　political　animosities　which　agitated　the　Union。

In　1831；　when　the　dispute　was　raging　with　the　utmost　virulence；　a　private　citizen　of　Massachusetts　proposed　to　all　the　enemies　of　the　tariff；　by　means　of　the　public　prints；　to　send　delegates　to　Philadelphia　in　order　to　consult　together　upon　the　means　which　were　most　fitted　to　promote　freedom　of　trade。　This　proposal　circulated　in　a　few　days　from　Maine　to　New　Orleans　by　the　power　of　the　printing…press：　the　opponents　of　the　tariff　adopted　it　with　enthusiasm；　meetings　were　formed　on　all　sides；　and　delegates　were　named。　　The　majority　of　these　individuals　were　well　known；　and　some　of　them　had　earned　a　considerable　degree　of　celebrity。　　South　Carolina　alone；　which　afterwards　took　up　arms　in　the　same　cause；　sent　sixty…three　delegates。　　On　October　1；　1831；　this　assembly；　which　according　to　the　American　custom　had　taken　the　name　of　a　Convention；　met　at　Philadelphia；　it　consisted　of　more　than　two　hundred　members。　　Its　debates　were　public；　and　they　at　once　assumed　a　legislative　character；　the　extent　of　the　powers　of　Congress；　the　theories　of　free　trade；　and　the　different　clauses　of　the　tariff；　were　discussed　in　turn。　At　the　end　of　ten　days'　deliberation　the　Convention　broke　up；　after　having　published　an　address　to　the　American　people；　in　which　it　declared：

I。　That　Congress　had　not　the　right　of　making　a　tariff；　and　that　the　existing　tariff　was　unconstitutional；

II。　That　the　prohibition　of　free　trade　was　prejudicial　to　the　interests　of　all　nations；　and　to　that　of　the　American　people　in　particular。

It　must　be　acknowledged　that　the　unrestrained　liberty　of　political　association　has　not　hitherto　produced；　in　the　United　States；　those　fatal　consequences　which　might　perhaps　be　expected　from　it　elsewhere。　　The　right　of　association　was　imported　from　England；　and　it　has　always　existed　in　America；　so　that　the　exercise　of　this　privilege　is　now　amalgamated　with　the　manners　and　customs　of　the　people。　　At　the　present　time　the　liberty　of　association　is　become　a　necessary　guarantee　against　the　tyranny　of　the　majority。　　In　the　United　States；　as　soon　as　a　party　is　become　preponderant；　all　public　authority　passes　under　its　control；　its　private　supporters　occupy　all　the　places；　and　have　all　the　force　of　the　administration　at　their　disposal。　　As　the　most　distinguished　partisans　of　the　other　side　of　the　question　are　unable　to　surmount　the　obstacles　which　exclude　them　from　power；　they　require　some　means　of　establishing　themselves　upon　their　own　basis；　and　of　opposing　the　moral　authority　of　the　minority　to　the　physical　power　which　domineers　over　it。　　Thus　a　dangerous　expedient　is　used　to　obviate　a　still　more　formidable　danger。

The　omnipotence　of　the　majority　appears　to　me　to　present　such　extreme　perils　to　the　American　Republics　that　the　dangerous　measure　which　is　used　to　repress　it　seems　to　be　more　advantageous　than　prejudicial。　　And　here　I　am　about　to　advance　a　proposition　which　may　remind　the　reader　of　what　I　said　before　in　speaking　of　municipal　freedom：　There　are　no　countries　in　which　associations　are　more　needed；　to　prevent　the　despotism　of　faction　or　the　arbitrary　power　of　a　prince；　than　those　which　are　democratically　constituted。　In　aristocratic　nations　the　body　of　the　nobles　and　the　more　opulent　part　of　the　community　are　in　themselves　natural　associations；　which　act　as　checks　upon　the　abuses　of　power。　　In　countries　in　which　these　associations　do　not　exist；　if　private　individuals　are　unable　to　create　an　artificial　and　a　temporary　substitute　for　them；　I　can　imagine　no　permanent　protection　against　the　most　galling　tyranny；　and　a　great　people　may　be　oppressed　by　a　small　faction；　or　by　a　single　individual；　with　impunity。

The　meeting　of　a　great　political　Convention　（for　there　are　Conventions　of　all　kinds）；　which　may　frequently　become　a　necessary　measure；　is　always　a　serious　occurrence；　even　in　America；　and　one　which　is　never　looked　forward　to；　by　the　judicious　friends　of　the　country；　without　alarm。　　This　was　very　perceptible　in　the　Convention　of　1831；　at　which　the　exertions　of　all　the　most　distinguished　members　of　the　Assembly　tended　to　moderate　its　language；　and　to　restrain　the　subjects　which　it　treated　within　certain　limits。　　It　is　probable；　in　fact；　that　the　Convention　of　1831　exercised　a　very　great　influence　upon　the　minds　of　the　malcontents；　and　prepared　them　for　the　open　revolt　against　the　commercial　laws　of　the　Union　which　took　place　in　1832。

It　cannot　be　denied　that　the　unrestrained　liberty　of　association　for　political　purposes　is　the　privilege　which　a　people　is　longest　in　learning　how　to　exercise。　　If　it　does　not　throw　the　nation　into　anarchy；　it　perpetually　augments　the　chances　of　that　calamity。　　On　one　point；　however；　this　perilous　liberty　offers　a　security　against　dangers　of　another　kind；　in　countries　where　associations　are　free；　secret　societies　are　unknown。　　In　America　there　are　numerous　factions；　but　no　conspiracies。

Different　ways　in　which　the　right　of　association　is　understood　in　Europeand　in　the　United　States　…　Different　use　which　is　made　of　it。

The　most　natural　privilege　of　man；　next　to　the　right　of　acting　for　himself；　is　that　of　combining　his　exertions　with　those

of　his　fellow…creatures；　and　of　acting　in　common　with　them。　　I　am　therefore　led　to　conclude　that　the　right　of　association　is　almost　as　inalienable　as　the　right　of　personal　liberty。　　No　legislator　can　attack　it　without　impairing　the　very　foundations　of　society。　　Nevertheless；　if　the　liberty　of　association　is　a　fruitful　source　of　advantages　and　prosperity　to　some　nations；　it　may　be　perverted　or　carried　to　excess　by　others；　and　the　element　of　life　may　be　changed　into　an　element　of　destruction。　　A　comparison　of　the　different　methods　which　associations　pursue　in　those　countries　in　which　they　are　managed　with　discretion；　as　well　as　in　those　where　liberty　degenerates　into　license；　may　perhaps　be　thought　useful　both　to　governments　and　to　parties。

The　greater　part　of　Europeans　look　upon　an　association　as　a　weapon　which　is　to　be　hastily　fashioned；　and　immediately　tried　in　the　conflict。　　A　society　is　formed　for　discussion；　but　the　idea　of　impending　action　prevails　in　the　minds　of　those　who　constitute　it：　it　is；　in　fact；　an　army；　and　the　time　given　to　parley　serves　to　reckon　up　the　strength　and　to　animate　the　courage　of　the　host；　after　which　they　direct　their　march　against　the　enemy。　　Resources　which　lie　within　the　bounds　of　the　law　may　suggest　themselves　to　the　persons　who　compose　it　as　means；　but　never　as　the　only　means；　of　success。

Such；　however；　is　not　the　manner　in　which　the　right　of　association　is　understood　in　the　United　States。　　In　America　the　citizens　who　form　the　minority　associate；　in　order；　in　the　first　place；　to　show　their　numerical　strength；　and　so　to　diminish　the　moral　authority　of　the　majority；　and；　in　the　second　place；　to　stimulate　competition；　and　to　discover　those　arguments　which　are　most　fitted　to　act　upon　the　majority；　for　they　always　entertain　hopes　of　drawing　over　their　opponents　to　their　own　side；　and　of　afterwards　disposing　of　the　supreme　power　in　their　name。　　Political　associations　in　the　United　States　are　therefore　peaceable　in　their　intentions；　and　strictly　legal　in　the　means　which　they　employ；　and　they　assert　with　perfect　truth　that　they　only　aim　at　success　by　lawful　expedients。

The　difference　which　exists　between　the　Americans　and　ourselves　depends　on　several　causes。　　In　Europe　there　are　numerous　parties　so　diametrically　opposed　to　the　majority　that　they　can　never　hope　to　acquire　its　support；　and　at　the　same　time　they　think　that　they　are　sufficiently　strong　in　themselves　to　struggle　and　to　defend　their　cause。　　When　a　party　of　this　kind　forms　an　association；　its　object　is；　not　to　conquer；　but　to　fight。　　In　America　the　individuals　who　hold　opinions　very　much　opposed　to　those　of　the　majority　are　no　sort　of　impediment　to　its　power；　and　all　other　parties　hope　to　win　it　over　to　their　own　principles　in　the　end。　　The　exercise　of　the　right　of　association　becomes　dangerous　in　proportion　to　the　impossibility　which　excludes　great　parties　from　acquiring　the　majority。　　In　a　country　like　the　United　States；　in　which　the　differences　of　opinion　are　mere　differences　of　hue；　the　right　of　association　may　remain　unrestrained　without　evil　consequences。　　The　inexperience　of　many　of　the　European　nations　in　the　enjoyment　of　liberty　leads　them　only　to　look　upon　the　liberty　of　association　as　a　right　of　attacking　the　Government。　　The　first　notion　which　presents　itself　to　a　party；　as　well　as　to　an　individual；　when　it　has　acquired　a　consciousness　of　its　own　strength；　is　that　of　violence：　the　notion　of　persuasion　arises　at　a　later　period　and　is　only　derived　from　experience。　　The　English；　who　are　divided　into　parties　which　differ　most　essentially　from　each　other；　rarely　abuse　the　right　of　association；　because　they　have　long　been　accustomed　to　exercise　it。　In　France　the　passion　for　war　is　so　intense　that　there　is　no　undertaking　so　mad；　or　so　injurious　to　the　welfare　of　the　State；　that　a　man　does　not　consider　himself　honored　in　defending　it；　at　the　risk　of　his　life。

But　perhaps　the　most　powerful　of　the　causes　which　tend　to　mitigate　the　excesses　of　political　association　in　the　United　States　is　Universal　Suffrage。　In　countries　in　which　universal　suffrage　exists　the　majority　is　never　doubtful；　because　neither　party　can　pretend　to　represent　that　portion　of　the　community　which　has　not　voted。　　The　associations　which　are　formed　are　aware；　as　well　as　the　nation　at　large；　that　they　do　not　represent　the　majority：　this　is；　indeed；　a　condition　inseparable　from　their　existence；　for　if　they　did　represent　the　preponderating　power；　they　would　change　the　law　instead　of　soliciting　its　reform。　　The　consequence　of　this　is　that　the　moral　influence　of　the　Government　which　they　attack　is　very　much　increased；　and　their　own　power　is　very　much　enfeebled。　

In　Europe　there　are　few　associations　which　do　not　affect　to　represent　the　majority；　or　which　do　not　believe　that　they　represent　it。　　This　conviction　or　this　pretension　tends　to　augment　their　force　amazingly；　and　contributes　no　less　to　legalize　their　measures。　　Violence　may　seem　to　be　excusable　in　defence　of　the　cause　of　oppressed　right。　　Thus　it　is；　in　the　vast　labyrinth　of　human　laws；　that　extreme　liberty　sometimes　corrects　the　abuses　of　license；　and　that　extreme　democracy　obviates　the　dangers　of　democratic　government。　　In　Europe；　associations　consider　themselves；　in　some　degree；　as　the　legislative　and　executive　councils　of　the　people；　which　is　unable　to　speak　for　itself。　　In　America；　where　they　only　represent　a　minority　of　the　nation；　they　argue　and　they　petition。

The　means　which　the　a