democracy in america-1-第55章

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cement　of　that　long　war；　various　occurrences　took　place　which　betokened　an　extraordinary　zeal　for　the　service　of　the　country。　*p　But　as　the　contest　was　prolonged；　symptoms　of　private　egotism　began　to　show　themselves。　　No　money　was　poured　into　the　public　treasury；　few　recruits　could　be　raised　to　join　the　army；　the　people　wished　to　acquire　independence；　but　was　very　ill…disposed　to　undergo　the　privations　by　which　alone　it　could　be　obtained。　　〃Tax　laws；〃　says　Hamilton　in　the　〃Federalist〃　（No。　12）；　〃have　in　vain　been　multiplied；　new　methods　to　enforce　the　collection　have　in　vain　been　tried；　the　public　expectation　has　been　uniformly　disappointed　and　the　treasuries　of　the　States　have　remained　empty。　The　popular　system　of　administration　inherent　in　the　nature　of　popular　government；　coinciding　with　the　real　scarcity　of　money　incident　to　a　languid　and　mutilated　state　of　trade；　has　hitherto　defeated　every　experiment　for　extensive　collections；　and　has　at　length　taught　the　different　legislatures　the　folly　of　attempting　them。〃

＇Footnote　p：　One　of　the　most　singular　of　these　occurrences　was　the　resolution　which　the　Americans　took　of　temporarily　abandoning　the　use　of　tea。　　Those　who　know　that　men　usually　cling　more　to　their　habits　than　to　their　life　will　doubtless　admire　this　great　though　obscure　sacrifice　which　was　made　by　a　whole　people。＇

The　United　States　have　not　had　any　serious　war　to　carry　on　ever　since　that　period。　　In　order；　therefore；　to　appreciate　the　sacrifices　which　democratic　nations　may　impose　upon　themselves；　we　must　wait　until　the　American　people　is　obliged　to　put　half　its　entire　income　at　the　disposal　of　the　Government；　as　was　done　by　the　English；　or　until　it　sends　forth　a　twentieth　part　of　its　population　to　the　field　of　battle；　as　was　done　by　France。　*q

＇Footnote　q：　＇The　Civil　War　showed　that　when　the　necessity　arose　the　American　people；　both　in　the　North　and　in　the　South；　are　capable　of　making　the　most　enormous　sacrifices；　both　in　money　and　in　men。＇＇

In　America　the　use　of　conscription　is　unknown；　and　men　are　induced　to　enlist　by　bounties。　　The　notions　and　habits　of　the　people　of　the　United　States　are　so　opposed　to　compulsory　enlistment　that　I　do　not　imagine　it　can　ever　be　sanctioned　by　the　laws。　　What　is　termed　the　conscription　in　France　is　assuredly　the　heaviest　tax　upon　the　population　of　that　country；　yet　how　could　a　great　continental　war　be　carried　on　without　it？　　The　Americans　have　not　adopted　the　British　impressment　of　seamen；　and　they　have　nothing　which　corresponds　to　the　French　system　of　maritime　conscription；　the　navy；　as　well　as　the　merchant　service；　is　supplied　by　voluntary　service。　　But　it　is　not　easy　to　conceive　how　a　people　can　sustain　a　great　maritime　war　without　having　recourse　to　one　or　the　other　of　these　two　systems。　　Indeed；　the　Union；　which　has　fought　with　some　honor　upon　the　seas；　has　never　possessed　a　very　numerous　fleet；　and　the　equipment　of　the　small　number　of　American　vessels　has　always　been　excessively　expensive。

I　have　heard　American　statesmen　confess　that　the　Union　will　have　great　difficulty　in　maintaining　its　rank　on　the　seas　without　adopting　the　system　of　impressment　or　of　maritime　conscription；　but　the　difficulty　is　to　induce　the　people；　which　exercises　the　supreme　authority；　to　submit　to　impressment　or　any　compulsory　system。　

It　is　incontestable　that　in　times　of　danger　a　free　people　displays　far　more　energy　than　one　which　is　not　so。　　But　I　incline　to　believe　that　this　is　more　especially　the　case　in　those　free　nations　in　which　the　democratic　element　preponderates。　　Democracy　appears　to　me　to　be　much　better　adapted　for　the　peaceful　conduct　of　society；　or　for　an　occasional　effort　of　remarkable　vigor；　than　for　the　hardy　and　prolonged　endurance　of　the　storms　which　beset　the　political　existence　of　nations。　　The　reason　is　very　evident；　it　is　enthusiasm　which　prompts　men　to　expose　themselves　to　dangers　and　privations；　but　they　will　not　support　them　long　without　reflection。　　There　is　more　calculation；　even　in　the　impulses　of　bravery；　than　is　generally　attributed　to　them；　and　although　the　first　efforts　are　suggested　by　passion；　perseverance　is　maintained　by　a　distinct　regard　of　the　purpose　in　view。　　A　portion　of　what　we　value　is　exposed；　in　order　to　save　the　remainder。

But　it　is　this　distinct　perception　of　the　future；　founded　upon　a　sound　judgment　and　an　enlightened　experience；　which　is　most　frequently　wanting　in　democracies。　　The　populace　is　more　apt　to　feel　than　to　reason；　and　if　its　present　sufferings　are　great；　it　is　to　be　feared　that　the　still　greater　sufferings　attendant　upon　defeat　will　be　forgotten。

Another　cause　tends　to　render　the　efforts　of　a　democratic　government　less　persevering　than　those　of　an　aristocracy。　　Not　only　are　the　lower　classes　less　awakened　than　the　higher　orders　to　the　good　or　evil　chances　of　the　future；　but　they　are　liable　to　suffer　far　more　acutely　from　present　privations。　　The　noble　exposes　his　life；　indeed；　but　the　chance　of　glory　is　equal　to　the　chance　of　harm。　　If　he　sacrifices　a　large　portion　of　his　income　to　the　State；　he　deprives　himself　for　a　time　of　the　pleasures　of　affluence；　but　to　the　poor　man　death　is　embellished　by　no　pomp　or　renown；　and　the　imposts　which　are　irksome　to　the　rich　are　fatal　to　him。

This　relative　impotence　of　democratic　republics　is；　perhaps；　the　greatest　obstacle　to　the　foundation　of　a　republic　of　this　kind　in　Europe。　In　order　that　such　a　State　should　subsist　in　one　country　of　the　Old　World；　it　would　be　necessary　that　similar　institutions　should　be　introduced　into　all　the　other　nations。

I　am　of　opinion　that　a　democratic　government　tends　in　the　end　to　increase　the　real　strength　of　society；　but　it　can　never　combine；　upon　a　single　point　and　at　a　given　time；　so　much　power　as　an　aristocracy　or　a　monarchy。　　If　a　democratic　country　remained　during　a　whole　century　subject　to　a　republican　government；　it　would　probably　at　the　end　of　that　period　be　more　populous　and　more　prosperous　than　the　neighboring　despotic　States。　　But　it　would　have　incurred　the　risk　of　being　conquered　much　oftener　than　they　would　in　that　lapse　of　years。

Self…Control　Of　The　American　Democracy

The　American　people　acquiesces　slowly；　or　frequently　does　not　acquiesce；　in　what　is　beneficial　to　its　interests　…　The　faults　of　the　American　democracy　are　for　the　most　part　reparable。

The　difficulty　which　a　democracy　has　in　conquering　the　passions　and　in　subduing　the　exigencies　of　the　moment；　with　a　view　to　the　future；　is　conspicuous　in　the　most　trivial　occurrences　of　the　United　States。　　The　people；　which　is　surrounded　by　flatterers；　has　great　difficulty　in　surmounting　its　inclinations；　and　whenever　it　is　solicited　to　undergo　a　privation　or　any　kind　of　inconvenience；　even　to　attain　an　end　which　is　sanctioned　by　its　own　rational　conviction；　it　almost　always　refuses　to　comply　at　first。　　The　deference　of　the　Americans　to　the　laws　has　been　very　justly　applauded；　but　it　must　be　added　that　in　America　the　legislation　is　made　by　the　people　and　for　the　people。　　Consequently；　in　the　United　States　the　law　favors　those　classes　which　are　most　interested　in　evading　it　elsewhere。　　It　may　therefore　be　supposed　that　an　offensive　law；　which　should　not　be　acknowledged　to　be　one　of　immediate　utility；　would　either　not　be　enacted　or　would　not　be　obeyed。

In　America　there　is　no　law　against　fraudulent　bankruptcies；　not　because　they　are　few；　but　because　there　are　a　great　number　of　bankruptcies。　　The　dread　of　being　prosecuted　as　a　bankrupt　acts　with　more　intensity　upon　the　mind　of　the　majority　of　the　people　than　the　fear　of　being　involved　in　losses　or　ruin　by　the　failure　of　other　parties；　and　a　sort　of　guilty　tolerance　is　extended　by　the　public　conscience　to　an　offence　which　everyone　condemns　in　his　individual　capacity。　　In　the　new　States　of　the　Southwest　the　citizens　generally　take　justice　into　their　own　hands；　and　murders　are　of　very　frequent　occurrence。　This　arises　from　the　rude　manners　and　the　ignorance　of　the　inhabitants　of　those　deserts；　who　do　not　perceive　the　utility　of　investing　the　law　with　adequate　force；　and　who　prefer　duels　to　prosecutions。

Someone　observed　to　me　one　day；　in　Philadelphia；　that　almost　all　crimes　in　America　are　caused　by　the　abuse　of　intoxicating　liquors；　which　the　lower　classes　can　procure　in　great　abundance；　from　their　excessive　cheapness。　　〃How　comes　it；〃　said　I；　〃that　you　do　not　put　a　duty　upon　brandy？〃　〃Our　legislators；〃　rejoined　my　informant；　〃have　frequently　thought　of　this　expedient；　but　the　task　of　putting　it　in　operation　is　a　difficult　one；　a　revolt　might　be　apprehended；　and　the　members　who　should　vote　for　a　law　of　this　kind　would　be　sure　of　losing　their　seats。〃　〃Whence　I　am　to　infer；〃　replied　I；　〃that　the　drinking　population　constitutes　the　majority　in　your　country；　and　that　temperance　is　somewhat　unpopular。〃　

When　these　things　are　pointed　out　to　the　American　statesmen；　they　content　themselves　with　assuring　you　that　time　will　operate　the　necessary　change；　and　that　the　experience　of　evil　will　teach　the　people　its　true　interests。　　This　is　frequently　true；　although　a　democracy　is　more　liable　to　error　than　a　monarch　or　a　body　of　nobles；　the　chances　of　its　regaining　the　right　path　when　once　it　has　acknowledged　its　mistake；　are　greater　also；　because　it　is　rarely　embarrassed　by　internal　interests；　which　conflict　with　those　of　the　majority；　and　resist　the　authority　ofreason。　　But　a　democracy　can　only　obtain　truth　as　the　result　of　experience；　and　many　nations　may　forfeit　their　existence　whilst　they　are　awaiting　the　consequences　of　their　errors。

The　great　privilege　of　the　Americans　does　not　simply　consist　in　their　being　more　enlightened　than　other　nations；　but　in　their　being　able　to　repair　the　faults　they　may　commit。　　To　which　it　must　be　added；　that　a　democracy　cannot　derive　substantial　benefit　from　past　experience；　unless　it　be　arrived　at　a　certain　pitch　of　knowledge　and　civilization。　　There　are　tribes　and　peoples　whose　education　has　been　so　vicious；　and　whose　character　presents　so　strange　a　mixture　of　passion；　of　ignorance；　and　of　erroneous　notions　upon　all　subjects；　that　they　are　unable　to　discern　the　causes　of　their　own　wretchedness；　and　they　fall　a　sacrifice　to　ills　with　which　they　are　unacquainted。

I　have　crossed　vast　tracts　of　country　that　were　formerly　inhabited　by　powerful　Indian　nations　which　are　now　extinct；　I　have　myself　passed　some　time　in　the　midst　of　mutilated　tribes；　which　witness　the　daily　decline　of　their　numerical　strength　and　of　the　glory　of　their　independence；　and　I　have　heard　these　Indians　themselves　anticipate　the　impending　doom　of　their　race。　　Every　European　can　perceive　means　which　would　rescue　these　unfortunate　beings　from　inevitable　destruction。　　They　alone　are　insensible　to　the　expedient；　they　feel　the　woe　which　year　after　year　heaps　upon　their　heads；　but　they　will　perish　to　a　man　without　accepting　the　remedy。　　It　would　be　necessary　to　employ　force　to　induce　them　to　submit　to　the　protection　and　the　constraint　of　civilization。　

The　incessant　revolutions　which　have　convulsed　the　South　American　provinces　for　the　last　quarter　of　a　century　have　frequently　been　adverted　to　with　astonishment；　and　expectations　have　been　expressed　that　those　nations　would　speedily　return　to　their　natural　state。　　But　can　it　be　affirmed　that　the　turmoil　of　re