democracy in america-1-第77章

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circumstances　to　restrain　those　propensities　within　due　limits；　the　prosperity　of　the　United　States　would　be　exclusively　attributable　to　physical　causes；　and　it　would　afford　no　encouragement　to　a　people　inclined　to　imitate　their　example；　without　sharing　their　natural　advantages。　　But　neither　of　these　suppositions　is　borne　out　by　facts。

In　America　the　same　passions　are　to　be　met　with　as　in　Europe；　some　originating　in　human　nature；　others　in　the　democratic　condition　of　society。　Thus　in　the　United　States　I　found　that　restlessness　of　heart　which　is　natural　to　men；　when　all　ranks　are　nearly　equal　and　the　chances　of　elevation　are　the　same　to　all。　　I　found　the　democratic　feeling　of　envy　expressed　under　a　thousand　different　forms。　　I　remarked　that　the　people　frequently　displayed；　in　the　conduct　of　affairs；　a　consummate　mixture　of　ignorance　and　presumption；　and　I　inferred　that　in　America；　men　are　liable　to　the　same　failings　and　the　same　absurdities　as　amongst　ourselves。　　But　upon　examining　the　state　of　society　more　attentively；　I　speedily　discovered　that　the　Americans　had　made　great　and　successful　efforts　to　counteract　these　imperfections　of　human　nature；　and　to　correct　the　natural　defects　of　democracy。　　Their　divers　municipal　laws　appeared　to　me　to　be　a　means　of　restraining　the　ambition　of　the　citizens　within　a　narrow　sphere；　and　of　turning　those　same　passions　which　might　have　worked　havoc　in　the　State；　to　the　good　of　the　township　or　the　parish。　　The　American　legislators　have　succeeded　to　a　certain　extent　in　opposing　the　notion　of　rights　to　the　feelings　of　envy；　the　permanence　of　the　religious　world　to　the　continual　shifting　of　politics；　the　experience　of　the　people　to　its　theoretical　ignorance；　and　its　practical　knowledge　of　business　to　the　impatience　of　its　desires。

The　Americans；　then；　have　not　relied　upon　the　nature　of　their　country　to　counterpoise　those　dangers　which　originate　in　their　Constitution　and　in　their　political　laws。　　To　evils　which　are　common　to　all　democratic　peoples　they　have　applied　remedies　which　none　but　themselves　had　ever　thought　of　before；　and　although　they　were　the　first　to　make　the　experiment；　they　have　succeeded　in　it。　

The　manners　and　laws　of　the　Americans　are　not　the　only　ones　which　may　suit　a　democratic　people；　but　the　Americans　have　shown　that　it　would　be　wrong　to　despair　of　regulating　democracy　by　the　aid　of　manners　and　of　laws。　　If　other　nations　should　borrow　this　general　and　pregnant　idea　from　the　Americans；　without　however　intending　to　imitate　them　in　the　peculiar　application　which　they　have　made　of　it；　if　they　should　attempt　to　fit　themselves　for　that　social　condition；　which　it　seems　to　be　the　will　of　Providence　to　impose　upon　the　generations　of　this　age；　and　so　to　escape　from　the　despotism　or　the　anarchy　which　threatens　them；　what　reason　is　there　to　suppose　that　their　efforts　would　not　be　crowned　with　success？　　The　organization　and　the　establishment　of　democracy　in　Christendom　is　the　great　political　problem　of　the　time。　　The　Americans；　unquestionably；　have　not　resolved　this　problem；　but　they　furnish　useful　data　to　those　who　undertake　the　task。

Importance　Of　What　Precedes　With　Respect　To　The　State　Of　Europe　

It　may　readily　be　discovered　with　what　intention　I　undertook　the　foregoing　inquiries。　　The　question　here　discussed　is　interesting　not　only　to　the　United　States；　but　to　the　whole　world；　it　concerns；　not　a　nation；　but　all　mankind。　　If　those　nations　whose　social　condition　is　democratic　could　only　remain　free　as　long　as　they　are　inhabitants　of　the　wilds；　we　could　not　but　despair　of　the　future　destiny　of　the　human　race；　for　democracy　is　rapidly　acquiring　a　more　extended　sway；　and　the　wilds　are　gradually　peopled　with　men。　If　it　were　true　that　laws　and　manners　are　insufficient　to　maintain　democratic　institutions；　what　refuge　would　remain　open　to　the　nations；　except　the　despotism　of　a　single　individual？　　I　am　aware　that　there　are　many　worthy　persons　at　the　present　time　who　are　not　alarmed　at　this　latter　alternative；　and　who　are　so　tired　of　liberty　as　to　be　glad　of　repose；　far　from　those　storms　by　which　it　is　attended。　　But　these　individuals　are　ill　acquainted　with　the　haven　towards　which　they　are　bound。　　They　are　so　deluded　by　their　recollections；　as　to　judge　the　tendency　of　absolute　power　by　what　it　was　formerly；　and　not　by　what　it　might　become　at　the　present　time。

If　absolute　power　were　re…established　amongst　the　democratic　nations　of　Europe；　I　am　persuaded　that　it　would　assume　a　new　form；　and　appear　under　features　unknown　to　our　forefathers。　　There　was　a　time　in　Europe　when　the　laws　and　the　consent　of　the　people　had　invested　princes　with　almost　unlimited　authority；　but　they　scarcely　ever　availed　themselves　of　it。　　I　do　not　speak　of　the　prerogatives　of　the　nobility；　of　the　authority　of　supreme　courts　of　justice；　of　corporations　and　their　chartered　rights；　or　of　provincial　privileges；　which　served　to　break　the　blows　of　the　sovereign　authority；　and　to　maintain　a　spirit　of　resistance　in　the　nation。　Independently　of　these　political　institutions　…　which；　however　opposed　they　might　be　to　personal　liberty；　served　to　keep　alive　the　love　of　freedom　in　the　mind　of　the　public；　and　which　may　be　esteemed　to　have　been　useful　in　this　respect　…　the　manners　and　opinions　of　the　nation　confined　the　royal　authority　within　barriers　which　were　not　less　powerful；　although　they　were　less　conspicuous。　　Religion；　the　affections　of　the　people；　the　benevolence　of　the　prince；　the　sense　of　honor；　family　pride；　provincial　prejudices；　custom；　and　public　opinion　limited　the　power　of　kings；　and　restrained　their　authority　within　an　invisible　circle。　The　constitution　of　nations　was　despotic　at　that　time；　but　their　manners　were　free。　　Princes　had　the　right；　but　they　had　neither　the　means　nor　the　desire；　of　doing　whatever　they　pleased。

But　what　now　remains　of　those　barriers　which　formerly　arrested　the　aggressions　of　tyranny？　　Since　religion　has　lost　its　empire　over　the　souls　of　men；　the　most　prominent　boundary　which　divided　good　from　evil　is　overthrown；　the　very　elements　of　the　moral　world　are　indeterminate；　the　princes　and　the　peoples　of　the　earth　are　guided　by　chance；　and　none　can　define　the　natural　limits　of　despotism　and　the　bounds　of　license。　　Long　revolutions　have　forever　destroyed　the　respect　which　surrounded　the　rulers　of　the　State；　and　since　they　have　been　relieved　from　the　burden　of　public　esteem；　princes　may　henceforward　surrender　themselves　without　fear　to　the　seductions　of　arbitrary　power。

When　kings　find　that　the　hearts　of　their　subjects　are　turned　towards　them；　they　are　clement；　because　they　are　conscious　of　their　strength；　and　they　are　chary　of　the　affection　of　their　people；　because　the　affection　of　their　people　is　the　bulwark　of　the　throne。　　A　mutual　interchange　of　good…will　then　takes　place　between　the　prince　and　the　people；　which　resembles　the　gracious　intercourse　of　domestic　society。　　The　subjects　may　murmur　at　the　sovereign's　decree；　but　they　are　grieved　to　displease　him；　and　the　sovereign　chastises　his　subjects　with　the　light　hand　of　parental　affection。　

But　when　once　the　spell　of　royalty　is　broken　in　the　tumult　of　revolution；　when　successive　monarchs　have　crossed　the　throne；　so　as　alternately　to　display　to　the　people　the　weakness　of　their　right　and　the　harshness　of　their　power；　the　sovereign　is　no　longer　regarded　by　any　as　the　Father　of　the　State；　and　he　is　feared　by　all　as　its　master。　　If　he　be　weak；　he　is　despised；　if　he　be　strong；　he　is　detested。　　He　himself　is　full　of　animosity　and　alarm；　he　finds　that　he　is　as　a　stranger　in　his　own　country；　and　he　treats　his　subjects　like　conquered　enemies。

When　the　provinces　and　the　towns　formed　so　many　different　nations　in　the　midst　of　their　common　country；　each　of　them　had　a　will　of　its　own；　which　was　opposed　to　the　general　spirit　of　subjection；　but　now　that　all　the　parts　of　the　same　empire；　after　having　lost　their　immunities；　their　customs；　their　prejudices；　their　traditions；　and　their　names；　are　subjected　and　accustomed　to　the　same　laws；　it　is　not　more　difficult　to　oppress　them　collectively　than　it　was　formerly　to　oppress　them　singly。

Whilst　the　nobles　enjoyed　their　power；　and　indeed　long　after　that　power　was　lost；　the　honor　of　aristocracy　conferred　an　extraordinary　degree　of　force　upon　their　personal　opposition。　　They　afford　instances　of　men　who；　notwithstanding　their　weakness；　still　entertained　a　high　opinion　of　their　personal　value；　and　dared　to　cope　single…handed　with　the　efforts　of　the　public　authority。　　But　at　the　present　day；　when　all　ranks　are　more　and　more　confounded；　when　the　individual　disappears　in　the　throng；　and　is　easily　lost　in　the　midst　of　a　common　obscurity；　when　the　honor　of　monarchy　has　almost　lost　its　empire　without　being　succeeded　by　public　virtue；　and　when　nothing　can　enable　man　to　rise　above　himself；　who　shall　say　at　what　point　the　exigencies　of　power　and　the　servility　of　weakness　will　stop？

As　long　as　family　feeling　was　kept　alive；　the　antagonist　of　oppression　was　never　alone；　he　looked　about　him；　and　found　his　clients；　his　hereditary　friends；　and　his　kinsfolk。　　If　this　support　was　wanting；　he　was　sustained　by　his　ancestors　and　animated　by　his　posterity。　　But　when　patrimonial　estates　are　divided；　and　when　a　few　years　suffice　to　confound　the　distinctions　of　a　race；　where　can　family　feeling　be　found？　　What　force　can　there　be　in　the　customs　of　a　country　which　has　changed　and　is　still　perpetually　changing；　its　aspect；　in　which　every　act　of　tyranny　has　a　precedent；　and　every　crime　an　example；　in　which　there　is　nothing　so　old　that　its　antiquity　can　save　it　from　destruction；　and　nothing　so　unparalleled　that　its　novelty　can　prevent　it　from　being　done？　What　resistance　can　be　offered　by　manners　of　so　pliant　a　make　that　they　have　already　often　yielded？　　What　strength　can　even　public　opinion　have　retained；　when　no　twenty　persons　are　connected　by　a　common　tie；　when　not　a　man；　nor　a　family；　nor　chartered　corporation；　nor　class；　nor　free　institution；　has　the　power　of　representing　or　exerting　that　opinion；　and　when　every　citizen　…　being　equally　weak；　equally　poor；　and　equally　dependent　…　has　only　his　personal　impotence　to　oppose　to　the　organized　force　of　the　government？

The　annals　of　France　furnish　nothing　analogous　to　the　condition　in　which　that　country　might　then　be　thrown。　　But　it　may　more　aptly　be　assimilated　to　the　times　of　old；　and　to　those　hideous　eras　of　Roman　oppression；　when　the　manners　of　the　people　were　corrupted；　their　traditions　obliterated；　their　habits　destroyed；　their　opinions　shaken；　and　freedom；　expelled　from　the　laws；　could　find　no　refuge　in　the　land；　when　nothing　protected　the　citizens；　and　the　citizens　no　longer　protected　themselves；　when　human　nature　was　the　sport　of　man；　and　princes　wearied　out　the　clemency　of　Heaven　before　they　exhausted　the　patience　of　their　subjects。　　Those　who　hope　to　revive　the　monarchy　of　Henry　IV　or　of　Louis　XIV；　appear　to　me　to　be　afflicted　with　mental　blindness；　and　when　I　consider　the　present　condition　of　several　European　nations　…　a　condition　to　which　all　the　others　tend　…　I　am　led　to　believe　that　they　will　soon　be　left　with　no　other　alternative　than　democratic　liberty；　or　the　tyranny　of　the　Caesars。　*n

＇Footnote　n：　＇This　prediction　of　the　return　of　France　to　imperial　despotism；　and　of　the　t