on liberty-第1章
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1859
ON LIBERTY
by John Stuart Mill
DEDICATION
The grand； leading principle； towards which every argument
unfolded in these pages directly converges； is the absolute and
essential importance of human development in its richest diversity。
WILHELM VON HUMBOLDT： Sphere and Duties of Government。
TO the beloved and deplored memory of her who was the inspirer；
and in part the author； of all that is best in my writings… the
friend and wife whose exalted sense of truth and right was my
strongest incitement； and whose approbation was my chief reward… I
dedicate this volume。 Like all that I have written for many years；
it belongs as much to her as to me； but the work as it stands has had；
in a very insufficient degree； the inestimable advantage of her
revision； some of the most important portions having been reserved for
a more careful re…examination； which they are now never destined to
receive。 Were I but capable of interpreting to the world one half
the great thoughts and noble feelings which are buried in her grave； I
should be the medium of a greater benefit to it； than is ever likely
to arise from anything that I can write； unprompted and unassisted
by her all but unrivalled wisdom。
Chapter 1
Introductory
THE SUBJECT of this Essay is not the so…called Liberty of the
Will； so unfortunately opposed to the misnamed doctrine of
Philosophical Necessity； but Civil； or Social Liberty： the nature
and limits of the power which can be legitimately exercised by society
over the individual。 A question seldom stated； and hardly ever
discussed； in general terms； but which profoundly influences the
practical controversies of the age by its latent presence； and is
likely soon to make itself recognised as the vital question of the
future。 It is so far from being new； that； in a certain sense； it
has divided mankind； almost from the remotest ages； but in the stage
of progress into which the more civilised portions of the species have
now entered； it presents itself under new conditions； and requires a
different and more fundamental treatment。
The struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous
feature in the portions of history with which we are earliest
familiar； particularly in that of Greece； Rome； and England。 But in
old times this contest was between subjects； or some classes of
subjects； and the Government。 By liberty； was meant protection against
the tyranny of the political rulers。 The rulers were conceived （except
in some of the popular governments of Greece） as in a necessarily
antagonistic position to the people whom they ruled。 They consisted of
a governing One； or a governing tribe or caste； who derived their
authority from inheritance or conquest； who； at all events； did not
hold it at the pleasure of the governed； and whose supremacy men did
not venture； perhaps did not desire； to contest； whatever
precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise。 Their
power was regarded as necessary； but also as highly dangerous； as a
weapon which they would attempt to use against their subjects； no less
than against external enemies。 To prevent the weaker members of the
community from being preyed upon by innumerable vultures； it was
needful that there should be an animal of prey stronger than the rest；
commissioned to keep them down。 But as the king of the vultures
would be no less bent upon preying on the flock than any of the
minor harpies； it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of
defence against his beak and claws。 The aim； therefore； of patriots
was to set limits to the power which the ruler should be suffered to
exercise over the community； and this limitation was what they meant
by liberty。 It was attempted in two ways。 First； by obtaining a
recognition of certain immunities； called political liberties or
rights； which it was to be regarded as a breach of duty in the ruler
to infringe； and which if he did infringe； specific resistance； or
general rebellion； was held to be justifiable。 A second； and generally
a later expedient； was the establishment of constitutional checks；
by which the consent of the community； or of a body of some sort；
supposed to represent its interests； was made a necessary condition to
some of the more important acts of the governing power。 To the first
of these modes of limitation； the ruling power； in most European
countries； was compelled； more or less； to submit。 It was not so
with the second； and； to attain this； or when already in some degree
possessed； to attain it more completely； became everywhere the
principal object of the lovers of liberty。 And so long as mankind were
content to combat one enemy by another； and to be ruled by a master；
on condition of being guaranteed more or less efficaciously against
his tyranny； they did not carry their aspirations beyond this point。
A time； however； came； in the progress of human affairs； when men
ceased to think it a necessity of nature that their governors should
be an independent power； opposed in interest to themselves。 It
appeared to them much better that the various magistrates of the State
should be their tenants or delegates； revocable at their pleasure。
In that way alone； it seemed； could they have complete security that
the powers of government would never be abused to their
disadvantage。 By degrees this new demand for elective and temporary
rulers became the prominent object of the exertions of the popular
party； wherever any such party existed； and superseded； to a
considerable extent； the previous efforts to limit the power of
rulers。 As the struggle proceeded for making the ruling power
emanate from the periodical choice of the ruled； some persons began to
think that too much importance had been attached to the limitation
of the power itself。 That （it might seem） was a resource against
rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to those of the people。
What was now wanted was； that the rulers should be identified with the
people； that their interest and will should be the interest and will
of the nation。 The nation did not need to be protected against its own
will。 There was no fear of its tyrannising over itself。 Let the rulers
be effectually responsible to it； promptly removable by it； and it
could afford to trust them with power of which it could itself dictate
the use to be made。 Their power was but the nation's own power；
concentrated； and in a form convenient for exercise。 This mode of
thought； or rather perhaps of feeling； was common among the last
generation of European liberalism； in the Continental section of which
it still apparently predominates。 Those who admit any limit to what
a government may do； except in the case of such governments as they
think ought not to exist； stand out as brilliant exceptions among
the political thinkers of the Continent。 A similar tone of sentiment
might by this time have been prevalent in our own country； if the
circumstances which for a time encouraged it； had continued unaltered。
But； in political and philosophical theories； as well as in persons；
success discloses faults and infirmities which failure might have
concealed from observation。 The notion； that the people have no need
to limit their power over themselves； might seem axiomatic； when
popular government was a thing only dreamed about； or read of as
having existed at some distant period of the past。 Neither was that
notion necessarily disturbed by such temporary aberrations as those of
the French Revolution； the worst of which were the work of a
usurping few； and which； in any case； belonged； not to the permanent
working of popular institutions； but to a sudden and convulsive
outbreak against monarchical and aristocratic despotism。 In time；
however； a democratic republic came to occupy a large portion of the
earth's surface； and made itself felt as one of the most powerful
members of the community of nations； and elective and responsible
government became subject to the observations and criticisms which
wait upon a great existing fact。 It was now perceived that such
phrases as 〃self…government；〃 and 〃the power of the people over
themselves；〃 do not express the true state of the case。 The 〃people〃
who exercise the power are not always the same people with those
over whom it is exercised； and the 〃self…government〃 spoken of is
not the government of each by himself； but of each by all the rest。
The will of the people； moreover； practically means the will of the
most numerous or the most active part of the people； the majority；
or those who succeed in making themselves accepted as the majority；
the people； consequently may desire to oppress a part of their number；
and precautions are as much needed against this as against any other
abuse of power。 The limitation； therefore； of the power of
government over individuals loses none of its importance when the
holders of power are regularly accountable to the community； that
is； to the strongest party therein。 This view of things；
recommending itself equally to the intelligence of thinkers and to the
inclination of those important classes in European society to whose
real or supposed interests democracy is adverse； has had no difficulty
in establishing itself； and in political speculations 〃the tyranny
of the majority〃 is now generally included among the evils against
which society requires to be on its guard。
Like other tyrannies； the tyranny of the majority was at first；
and is still vulgarly； held in dread； chiefly as operating through the
acts of the public authorities。 But reflecting persons perceived
that when society is itself the tyrant… society collectively over the
separate individuals who compose it… its means of tyrannising are not
restricted to the acts which it may do by the hands of its political
functionaries。 Society can and does execute its own mandates： and if
it issues wrong mandates instead of right； or any mandates at all in
things with which it ought not to meddle； it practises a social
tyranny more formidable than many kinds of political oppression；
since； though not usually upheld by such extreme penalties； it
leaves fewer means of escape； penetrating much more deeply into the
details of life； and enslaving the soul itself。 Protection； therefore；
against the tyranny of the magistrate is not enough： there needs
protection also against the tyranny of the p
