the complete writings-3-第36章

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　her　with　a　romantic　interest　which　forms　a　lovely　halo　about　his　own　memory。

As　this　voyage　up　the　Chickahominy　is　more　fruitful　in　its　consequences　than　Jason's　voyage　to　Colchis；　as　it　exhibits　the　energy；　daring；　invention；　and　various　accomplishments　of　Captain　Smith；　as　warrior；　negotiator；　poet；　and　narrator；　as　it　describes　Smith's　first　and　only　captivity　among　the　Indians；　and　as　it　was　during　this　absence　of　four　weeks　from　Jamestown；　if　ever；　that　Pocahontas　interposed　to　prevent　the　beating　out　of　Smith's　brains　with　a　club；　I　shall　insert　the　account　of　it　in　full；　both　Smith's　own　varying　relations　of　it；　and　such　contemporary　notices　of　it　as　now　come　to　light。　　It　is　necessary　here　to　present　several　accounts；　just　as　they　stand；　and　in　the　order　in　which　they　were　written；　that　the　reader　may　see　for　himself　how　the　story　of　Pocahontas　grew　to　its　final　proportions。　　The　real　life　of　Pocahontas　will　form　the　subject　of　another　chapter。

The　first　of　these　accounts　is　taken　from　〃The　True　Relation；〃　written　by　Captain　John　Smith；　composed　in　Virginia；　the　earliest　published　work　relating　to　the　James　River　Colony。　　It　covers　a　period　of　a　little　more　than　thirteen　months；　from　the　arrival　at　Cape　Henry　on　April　26；　1607；　to　the　return　of　Captain　Nelson　in　the　Phoenix；　June　2；　1608。　　The　manuscript　was　probably　taken　home　by　Captain　Nelson；　and　it　was　published　in　London　in　1608。　　Whether　it　was　intended　for　publication　is　doubtful；　but　at　that　time　all　news　of　the　venture　in　Virginia　was　eagerly　sought；　and　a　narrative　of　this　importance　would　naturally　speedily　get　into　print。

In　the　several　copies　of　it　extant　there　are　variations　in　the　title…　page；　which　was　changed　while　the　edition　was　being　printed。　　In　some　the　name　of　Thomas　Watson　is　given　as　the　author；　in　others　〃A　Gentleman　of　the　Colony；〃　and　an　apology　appears　signed　〃　T。　H。；〃　for　the　want　of　knowledge　or　inadvertence　of　attributing　it　to　any　one　except　Captain　Smith。

There　is　no　doubt　that　Smith　was　its　author。　　He　was　still　in　Virginia　when　it　was　printed；　and　the　printers　made　sad　work　of　parts　of　his　manuscript。　　The　question　has　been　raised；　in　view　of　the　entire　omission　of　the　name　of　Pocahontas　in　connection　with　this　voyage　and　captivity；　whether　the　manuscript　was　not　cut　by　those　who　published　it。　　The　reason　given　for　excision　is　that　the　promoters　of　the　Virginia　scheme　were　anxious　that　nothing　should　appear　to　discourage　capitalists；　or　to　deter　emigrants；　and　that　this　story　of　the　hostility　and　cruelty　of　Powhatan；　only　averted　by　the　tender　mercy　of　his　daughter；　would　have　an　unfortunate　effect。　　The　answer　to　this　is　that　the　hostility　was　exhibited　by　the　captivity　and　the　intimation　that　Smith　was　being　fatted　to　be　eaten；　and　this　was　permitted　to　stand。　　It　is　wholly　improbable　that　an　incident　so　romantic；　so　appealing　to　the　imagination；　in　an　age　when　wonder…　tales　were　eagerly　welcomed；　and　which　exhibited　such　tender　pity　in　the　breast　of　a　savage　maiden；　and　such　paternal　clemency　in　a　savage　chief；　would　have　been　omitted。　　It　was　calculated　to　lend　a　lively　interest　to　the　narration；　and　would　be　invaluable　as　an　advertisement　of　the　adventure。


＇For　a　full　bibliographical　discussion　of　this　point　the　reader　is　referred　to　the　reprint　of　〃The　True　Relation；〃　by　Charles　Deane；　Esq。；　Boston；　1864；　the　preface　and　notes　to　which　are　a　masterpiece　of　critical　analysis。＇


That　some　portions　of　〃The　True　Relation　〃　were　omitted　is　possible。　There　is　internal　evidence　of　this　in　the　abrupt　manner　in　which　it　opens；　and　in　the　absence　of　allusions　to　the　discords　during　the　voyage　and　on　the　arrival。　　Captain　Smith　was　not　the　man　to　pass　over　such　questions　in　silence；　as　his　subsequent　caustic　letter　sent　home　to　the　Governor　and　Council　of　Virginia　shows。　　And　it　is　probable　enough　that　the　London　promoters　would　cut　out　from　the　〃Relation〃　complaints　and　evidence　of　the　seditions　and　helpless　state　of　the　colony。　　The　narration　of　the　captivity　is　consistent　as　it　stands；　and　wholly　inconsistent　with　the　Pocahontas　episode。

We　extract　from　the　narrative　after　Smith's　departure　from　Apocant；　the　highest　town　inhabited；　between　thirty　and　forty　miles　up　the　river；　and　below　Orapaks；　one　of　Powhatan's　seats；　which　also　appears　on　his　map。　　He　writes：

〃Ten　miles　higher　I　discovered　with　the　barge；　in　the　midway　a　great　tree　hindered　my　passage；　which　I　cut　in　two：　heere　the　river　became　narrower；　8；　9　or　10　foote　at　a　high　water；　and　6　or　7　at　a　lowe：　the　stream　exceeding　swift；　and　the　bottom　hard　channell；　the　ground　most　part　a　low　plaine；　sandy　soyle；　this　occasioned　me　to　suppose　it　might　issue　from　some　lake　or　some　broad　ford；　for　it　could　not　be　far　to　the　head；　but　rather　then　I　would　endanger　the　barge；　yet　to　have　beene　able　to　resolve　this　doubt；　and　to　discharge　the　imputating　malicious　tungs；　that　halfe　suspected　I　durst　not　for　so　long　delaying；　some　of　the　company；　as　desirous　as　myself；　we　resolved　to　hier　a　canow；　and　returne　with　the　barge　to　Apocant；　there　to　leave　the　barge　secure；　and　put　ourselves　upon　the　adventure：　the　country　onely　a　vast　and　wilde　wilderness；　and　but　only　that　Towne：　within　three　or　foure　mile　we　hired　a　canow；　and　2　Indians　to　row　us　ye　next　day　a　fowling：　having　made　such　provision　for　the　barge　as　was　needfull；　I　left　her　there　to　ride；　with　expresse　charge　not　any　to　go　ashore　til　my　returne。　　Though　some　wise　men　may　condemn　this　too　bould　attempt　of　too　much　indiscretion；　yet　if　they　well　consider　the　friendship　of　the　Indians；　in　conducting　me；　the　desolatenes　of　the　country；　the　probabilitie　of　some　lacke；　and　the　malicious　judges　of　my　actions　at　home；　as　also　to　have　some　matters　of　worth　to　incourage　our　adventurers　in　england；　might　well　have　caused　any　honest　minde　to　have　done　the　like；　as　wel　for　his　own　discharge　as　for　the　publike　good：　having　2　Indians　for　my　guide　and　2　of　our　own　company；　I　set　forward；　leaving　7　in　the　barge；　having　discovered　20　miles　further　in　this　desart；　the　river　stil　kept　his　depth　and　bredth；　but　much　more　combred　with　trees；　here　we　went　ashore　（being　some　12　miles　higher　than　ye　barge　had　bene）　to　refresh　our　selves；　during　the　boyling　of　our　vituals：　one　of　the　Indians　I　tooke　with　me；　to　see　the　nature　of　the　soile；　and　to　cross　the　boughts　of　the　river；　the　other　Indian　I　left　with　M。　Robbinson　and　Thomas　Emry；　with　their　matches　light　and　order　to　discharge　a　peece；　for　my　retreat　at　the　first　sight　of　any　Indian；　but　within　a　quarter　of　an　houre　I　heard　a　loud　cry；　and　a　hollowing　of　Indians；　but　no　warning　peece；　supposing　them　surprised；　and　that　the　Indians　had　betraid　us；　presently　I　seazed　him　and　bound　his　arme　fast　to　my　hand　in　a　garter；　with　my　pistoll　ready　bent　to　be　revenged　on　him：　he　advised　me　to　fly　and　seemed　ignorant　of　what　was　done；　but　as　we　went　discoursing；　I　was　struck　with　an　arrow　on　the　right　thigh；　but　without　harme：　upon　this　occasion　I　espied　2　Indians　drawing　their　bowes；　which　I　prevented　in　discharging　a　french　pistoll：　by　that　I　had　charged　again　3　or　4　more　did　the　'like；　for　the　first　fell　downe　and　fled：　at　my　discharge　they　did　the　like；　my　hinde　I　made　my　barricade；　who　offered　not　to　strive；　20　or　30　arrowes　were　shot　at　me　but　short；　3　or　4　times　I　had　discharged　my　pistoll　ere　the　king　of　Pamauck　called　Opeckakenough　with　200　men；　environed　me；　each　drawing　their　bowe；　which　done　they　laid　them　upon　the　ground；　yet　without　shot；　my　hinde　treated　betwixt　them　and　me　of　conditions　of　peace；　he　discovered　me　to　be　the　captaine；　my　request　was　to　retire　to　ye　boate；　they　demanded　my　armes；　the　rest　they　saide　were　slaine；　onely　me　they　would　reserve：　the　Indian　importuned　me　not　to　shoot。　　In　retiring　being　in　the　midst　of　a　low　quagmire；　and　minding　them　more　than　my　steps；　I　stept　fast　into　the　quagmire；　and　also　the　Indian　in　drawing　me　forth：　thus　surprised；　I　resolved　to　trie　their　mercies；　my　armes　I　caste　from　me；　till　which　none　durst　approch　me：　being　ceazed　on　me；　they　drew　me　out　and　led　me　to　the　King；　I　presented　him　with　a　compasse　diall；　describing　by　my　best　meanes　the　use　thereof；　whereat　he　so　amazedly　admired；　as　he　suffered　me　to　proceed　in　a　discourse　of　the　roundnes　of　the　earth；　the　course　of　the　sunne；　moone；　starres　and　plannets；　with　kinde　speeches　and　bread　he　requited　me；　conducting　me　where　the　canow　lay　and　John　Robinson　slaine；　with　20　or　30　arrowes　in　him。　　Emry　I　saw　not；　I　perceived　by　the　abundance　of　fires　all　over　the　woods；　at　each　place　I　expected　when　they　would　execute　me；　yet　they　used　me　with　what　kindnes　they　could：　approaching　their　Towne　which　was　within　6　miles　where　I　was　taken；　onely　made　as　arbors　and　covered　with　mats；　which　they　remove　as　occasion　requires：　all　the　women　and　children；　being　advertised　of　this　accident　came　forth　to　meet；　the　King　well　guarded　with　20　bow　men　5　flanck　and　rear　and　each　flanck　before　him　a　sword　and　a　peece；　and　after　him　the　like；　then　a　bowman；　then　I　on　each　hand　a　boweman；　the　rest　in　file　in　the　reare；　which　reare　led　forth　amongst　the　trees　in　a　bishion；　eache　his　bowe　and　a　handfull　of　arrowes；　a　quiver　at　his　back　grimly　painted：　on　eache　flanck　a　sargeant；　the　one　running　alwaiss　towards　the　front　the　other　towards　the　reare；　each　a　true　pace　and　in　exceeding　good　order；　this　being　a　good　time　continued；　they　caste　themselves　in　a　ring　with　a　daunce；　and　so　eache　man　departed　to　his　lodging；　the　captain　conducting　me　to　his　lodging；　a　quarter　of　Venison　and　some　ten　pound　of　bread　I　had　for　supper；　what　I　left　was　reserved　for　me；　and　sent　with　me　to　my　lodging：　each　morning　three　women　presented　me　three　great　platters　of　fine　bread；　more　venison　than　ten　men　could　devour　I　had；　my　gowne；　points　and　garters；　my　compas　and　a　tablet　they　gave　me　again；　though　8　ordinarily　guarded　me；　I　wanted　not　what　they　could　devise　to　content　me：　and　still　our　longer　acquaintance　increased　our　better　affection：　much　they　threatened　to　assault　our　forte　as　they　were　solicited　by　the　King　of　Paspahegh；　who　shewed　at　our　fort　great　signs　of　sorrow　for　this　mischance：　the　King　took　great　delight　in　understanding　the　manner　of　our　ships　and　sayling　the　seas；　the　earth　and　skies　and　of　our　God：　what　he　knew　of　the　dominions　he　spared　not　to　acquaint　me　with；　as　of　certaine　men　cloathed　at　a　place　called　Ocanahonun；　cloathed　like　me；　the　course　of　our　river；　and　that　within　4　or　5　daies　journey　of　the　falles；　was　a　great　turning　of　salt　water：　I　desired　he　would　send　a　messenger　to　Paspahegh；　with　a　letter　I　would　write；　by　which　they　should　understand；　how　kindly　they　used　me；　and　that　I　was　well；　lest　they　should　revenge　my　death；　this　he　granted　and　sent　three　men；　in　such　weather；　as　in　reason　were　unpossible；　by　any　naked　to　be　indured：　their　cruell　mindes　towards　the　fort　I　had　deverted；　in　describing　the　ordinance　and　the　mines　in　the　fields；　as　also　the　revenge　Captain　Newport　would　take　of　them　at　his　returne；　their　intent；　I　incerted　the　fort；　the　people　of　Ocanahomm　and　the　back　sea；　this　report　they　after　found　divers　Indians　that　confirmed：　the　next　day　after　my　letter；　came　a　salvage　to　my　lodging；　with　his　sword　to　have　slaine　me；　but　being　by　my　guard　intercepted；　with　a　bowe　and　arrow　he　offred　to