the writings-3-第14章

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he　may　be　provoked　to　call　somebody　a　liar。



Again：　There　is　in　that　same　quotation　from　the　Nebraska　Bill

this　clause：　〃It　being　the　true　intent　and　meaning　of　this　bill

not　to　legislate　slavery　into　any　Territory　or　State。〃　　　I　have

always　been　puzzled　to　know　what　business　the　word　〃State〃　had　in

that　connection。　　Judge　Douglas　knows。　　He　put　it　there。　　He

knows　what　he　put　it　there　for。　　We　outsiders　cannot　say　what　he

put　it　there　for。　　The　law　they　were　passing　was　not　about

States；　and　was　not　making　provisions　for　States。　　What　was　it

placed　there　for？　　After　seeing　the　Dred　Scott　decision；　which

holds　that　the　people　cannot　exclude　slavery　from　a　Territory；　if

another　Dred　Scott　decision　shall　come；　holding　that　they　cannot

exclude　it　from　a　State；　we　shall　discover　that　when　the　word　was

originally　put　there；　it　was　in　view　of　something　which　was　to

come　in　due　time；　we　shall　see　that　it　was　the　other　half　of

something。　　I　now　say　again；　if　there　is　any　different　reason　for

putting　it　there；　Judge　Douglas；　in　a　good…humored　way；　without

calling　anybody　a　liar；　can　tell　what　the　reason　was。



When　the　Judge　spoke　at　Clinton；　he　came　very　near　making　a

charge　of　falsehood　against　me。　　He　used；　as　I　found　it　printed

in　a　newspaper；　which；　I　remember；　was　very　nearly　like　the　real

speech；　the　following　language：



〃I　did　not　answer　the　charge　＇of　conspiracy＇　before；　for　the

reason　that　I　did　not　suppose　there　was　a　man　in　America　with　a

heart　so　corrupt　as　to　believe　such　a　charge　could　be　true。　　I

have　too　much　respect　for　Mr。　Lincoln　to　suppose　he　is　serious　in

making　the　charge。〃



I　confess　this　is　rather　a　curious　view；　that　out　of　respect　for

me　he　should　consider　I　was　making　what　I　deemed　rather　a　grave

charge　in　fun。　　I　confess　it　strikes　me　rather　strangely。　　But　I

let　it　pass。　　As　the　Judge　did　not　for　a　moment　believe　that

there　was　a　man　in　America　whose　heart　was　so　〃corrupt〃　as　to

make　such　a　charge；　and　as　he　places　me　among　the　〃men　in

America〃　who　have　hearts　base　enough　to　make　such　a　charge；　I

hope　he　will　excuse　me　if　I　hunt　out　another　charge　very　like

this；　and　if　it　should　turn　out　that　in　hunting　I　should　find

that　other；　and　it　should　turn　out　to　be　Judge　Douglas　himself

who　made　it；　I　hope　he　will　reconsider　this　question　of　the　deep

corruption　of　heart　he　has　thought　fit　to　ascribe　to　me。　　In

Judge　Douglas's　speech　of　March　22；　1858；　which　I　hold　in　my

hand；　he　says：



〃In　this　connection　there　is　another　topic　to　which　I　desire　to

allude。　　I　seldom　refer　to　the　course　of　newspapers；　or　notice

the　articles　which　they　publish　in　regard　to　myself；　but　the

course　of　the　Washington　Union　has　been　so　extraordinary　for　the

last　two　or　three　months；　that　I　think　it　well　enough　to　make

some　allusion　to　it。　　It　has　read　me　out　of　the　Democratic　party

every　other　day；　at　least　for　two　or　three　months；　and　keeps

reading　me　out；　and；　as　if　it　had　not　succeeded；　still　continues

to　read　me　out；　using　such　terms　as　'traitor；'　'renegade；'

'deserter；'　and　other　kind　and　polite　epithets　of　that　nature。

Sir；　I　have　no　vindication　to　make　of　my　Democracy　against　the

Washington　Union；　or　any　other　newspapers。　　I　am　willing　to　allow

my　history　and　action　for　the　last　twenty　years　to　speak　for

themselves　as　to　my　political　principles　and　my　fidelity　to

political　obligations。　　The　Washington　Union　has　a　personal

grievance。　　When　its　editor　was　nominated　for　public　printer；　I

declined　to　vote　for　him；　and　stated　that　at　some　time　I　might

give　my　reasons　for　doing　so。　　Since　I　declined　to　give　that

vote；　this　scurrilous　abuse；　these　vindictive　and　constant

attacks　have　been　repeated　almost　daily　on　me。　　Will　any　friend

from　Michigan　read　the　article　to　which　I　allude？〃



This　is　a　part　of　the　speech。　　You　must　excuse　me　from　reading

the　entire　article　of　the　Washington　Union；　as　Mr。　Stuart　read　it

for　Mr。　Douglas。　　The　Judge　goes　on　and　sums　up；　as　I　think；

correctly：



〃Mr。　President；　you　here　find　several　distinct　propositions

advanced　boldly　by　the　Washington　Union　editorially；　and

apparently　authoritatively；　and　any　man　who　questions　any　of　them

is　denounced　as　an　Abolitionist；　a　Free…soiler；　a　fanatic。　　The

propositions　are；　first；　that　the　primary　object　of　all

government　at　its　original　institution　is　the　protection　of

person　and　property；　second；　that　the　Constitution　of　the　United

States　declares　that　the　citizens　of　each　State　shall　be　entitled

to　all　the　privileges　and　immunities　of　citizens　in　the　several

States；　and　that；　therefore；　thirdly；　all　State　laws；　whether

organic　or　otherwise；　which　prohibit　the　citizens　of　one　State

from　settling　in　another　with　their　slave　property；　and

especially　declaring　it　forfeited；　are　direct　violations　of　the

original　intention　of　the　government　and　Constitution　of　the

United　States；　and；　fourth；　that　the　emancipation　of　the　slaves

of　the　Northern　States　was　a　gross　outrage　of　the　rights　of

property；　inasmuch　as　it　was　involuntarily　done　on　the　part　of

the　owner。



〃Remember　that　this　article　was　published　in　the　Union　on　the

17th　of　November；　and　on　the　18th　appeared　the　first　article

giving　the　adhesion　of　the　Union；　to　the　Lecompton　Constitution。

It　was　in　these　words：



〃KANSAS　AND　HER　CONSTITUTION。The　vexed　question　is　settled。

The　problem　is　saved。　　The　dead　point　of　danger　is　passed。　　All

serious　trouble　to　Kansas　affairs　is　over　and　gone　。。。〃



And　a　column　nearly　of　the　same　sort。　　Then；　when　you　come　to

look　into　the　Lecompton　Constitution；　you　find　the　same　doctrine

incorporated　in　it　which　was　put　forth　editorially　in　the　Union。

What　is　it？



〃ARTICLE　7；　Section　I。　　The　right　of　property　is　before　and

higher　than　any　constitutional　sanction；　and　the　right　of　the

owner　of　a　slave　to　such　slave　and　its　increase　is　the　same　and

as　inviolable　as　the　right　of　the　owner　of　any　property

whatever。〃



Then　in　the　schedule　is　a　provision　that　the　Constitution　may　be

amended　after　1864　by　a　two…thirds　vote：



〃But　no　alteration　shall　be　made　to　affect　the　right　of　property

in　the　ownership　of　slaves。〃



〃It　will　be　seen　by　these　clauses　in　the　Lecompton　Constitution

that　they　are　identical　in　spirit　with　the　authoritative　article

in　the　Washington　Union　of　the　day　previous　to　its　indorsement　of

this　Constitution。〃



I　pass　over　some　portions　of　the　speech；　and　I　hope　that　any　one

who　feels　interested　in　this　matter　will　read　the　entire　section

of　the　speech；　and　see　whether　I　do　the　Judge　injustice。　　He

proceeds：



〃When　I　saw　that　article　in　the　Union　of　the　17th　of　November；

followed　by　the　glorification　of　the　Lecompton　Constitution　on

the　10th　of　November；　and　this　clause　in　the　Constitution

asserting　the　doctrine　that　a　State　has　no　right　to　prohibit

slavery　within　its　limits；　I　saw　that　there　was　a　fatal　blow

being　struck　at　the　sovereignty　of　the　States　of　this　Union。〃



I　stop　the　quotation　there；　again　requesting　that　it　may　all　be

read。　　I　have　read　all　of　the　portion　I　desire　to　comment　upon。

What　is　this　charge　that　the　Judge　thinks　I　must　have　a　very

corrupt　heart　to　make？　　It　was　a　purpose　on　the　part　of　certain

high　functionaries　to　make　it　impossible　for　the　people　of　one

State　to　prohibit　the　people　of　any　other　State　from　entering　it

with　their　〃property；〃　so　called；　and　making　it　a　slave　State。

In　other　words；　it　was　a　charge　implying　a　design　to　make　the

institution　of　slavery　national。　　And　now　I　ask　your　attention　to

what　Judge　Douglas　has　himself　done　here。　　I　know　he　made　that

part　of　the　speech　as　a　reason　why　he　had　refused　to　vote　for　a

certain　man　for　public　printer；　but　when　we　get　at　it；　the　charge

itself　is　the　very　one　I　made　against　him；　that　he　thinks　I　am　so

corrupt　for　uttering。　　Now；　whom　does　he　make　that　charge

against？　　Does　he　make　it　against　that　newspaper　editor　merely？

No；　he　says　it　is　identical　in　spirit　with　the　Lecompton

Constitution；　and　so　the　framers　of　that　Constitution　are　brought

in　with　the　editor　of　the　newspaper　in　that　〃fatal　blow　being

struck。〃　　He　did　not　call　it　a　〃conspiracy。〃　　In　his　language；　it

is　a　〃fatal　blow　being　struck。〃　　And　if　the　words　carry　the

meaning　better　when　changed　from　a　〃conspiracy〃　into　a　〃fatal

blow　being　struck；　〃I　will　change　my　expression；　and　call　it

〃fatal　blow　being　struck。〃　　We　see　the　charge　made　not　merely

against　the　editor　of　the　Union；　but　all　the　framers　of　the

Lecompton　Constitution；　and　not　only　so；　but　the　article　was　an

authoritative　article。　　By　whose　authority？　　Is　there　any

question　but　he　means　it　was　by　the　authority　of　the　President

and　his　Cabinet；the　Administration？



Is　there　any　sort　of　question　but　he　means　to　make　that　charge？

Then　there　are　the　editors　of　the　Union；　the　framers　of　the

Lecompton　Constitution；　the　President　of　the　United　States　and

his　Cabinet；　and　all　the　supporters　of　the　Lecompton

Constitution；　in　Congress　and　out　of　Congress；　who　are　all

involved　in　this　〃fatal　blow　being　struck。〃　　I　commend　to　Judge

Douglas's　consideration　the　question　of　how　corrupt　a　man's　heart

must　be　to　make　such　a　charge！



Now；　my　friends；　I　have　but　one　branch　of　the　subject；　in　the

little　time　I　have　left；　to　which　to　call　your　attention；　and　as

I　shall　come　to　a　close　at　the　end　of　that　branch；　it　is　probable

that　I　shall　not　occupy　quite　all　the　time　allotted　to　me。

Although　on　these　questions　I　would　like　to　talk　twice　as　long　as

I　have；　I　could　not　enter　upon　another　head　and　discuss　it

properly　without　running　over　my　time。　　I　ask　the　attention　of

the　people　here　assembled　and　elsewhere　to　the　course　that　Judge

Douglas　is　pursuing　every　day　as　bearing　upon　this　question　of

making　slavery　national。　　Not　going　back　to　the　records；　but

taking　the　speeches　he　makes；　the　speeches　he　made　yesterday　and

day　before；　and　makes　constantly　all　over　the　country；　I　ask　your

attention　to　them。　　In　the　first　place；　what　is　necessary　to　make

the　institution　national？　　Not　war。　　There　is　no　danger　that　the

people　of　Kentucky　will　shoulder　their　muskets；　and；　with　a　young

nigger　stuck　on　every　bayonet；　march　into　Illinois　and　force　them

upon　us。　　There　is　no　danger　of　our　going　over　there　and　making

war　upon　them。　　Then　what　is　necessary　for　the　nationalization　of

slavery？　　It　is　simply　the　next　Dred　Scott　decision。　　It　is

merely　for　the　Supreme　Court　to　decide　that　no　State　under　the

Constitution　can　exclude　it；　just　as　they　have　already　decided

that　under　the　Constitution　neither　Congress　nor　the　Territorial

Legislature　can　do　it。　　When　that　is　decided　and　acquiesced　in；

the　whole　thing　is　done。　　This　being　true；　and　this　being　the

way；　as　I　think；　that　slavery　is　to　be　made　national；　let　us

consider　what　Judge　Douglas　is　doing　every　day　to　that　end。　　In

the　first　place；　let　us　see　what　influence　he　is　exerting　on

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