the writings-3-第16章

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or　would　not　oppose　such　acquisition；　accordingly　as　I　might

think　such　acquisition　would　or　would　not　aggravate　the　slavery

question　among　ourselves。



Now；　my　friends；　it　will　be　perceived；　upon　an　examination　of

these　questions　and　answers；　that　so　far　I　have　only　answered

that　I　was　not　pledged　to　this；　that；　or　the　other。　　The　Judge

has　not　framed　his　interrogatories　to　ask　me　anything　more　than

this；　and　I　have　answered　in　strict　accordance　with　the

interrogatories；　and　have　answered　truly；　that　I　am　not　pledged

at　all　upon　any　of　the　points　to　which　I　have　answered。　　But　I　am

not　disposed　to　hang　upon　the　exact　form　of　his　interrogatory。　　I

am　rather　disposed　to　take　up　at　least　some　of　these　questions；

and　state　what　I　really　think　upon　them。



As　to　the　first　one；　in　regard　to　the　Fugitive　Slave　law；　I　have

never　hesitated　to　say；　and　I　do　not　now　hesitate　to　say；　that　I

think；　under　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　the　people　of

the　Southern　States　are　entitled　to　a　Congressional　Fugitive

Slave　law。　　Having　said　that；　I　have　had　nothing　to　say　in　regard

to　the　existing　Fugitive　Slave　law；　further　than　that　I　think　it

should　have　been　framed　so　as　to　be　free　from　some　of　the

objections　that　pertain　to　it；　without　lessening　its　efficiency。

And　inasmuch　as　we　are　not　now　in　an　agitation　in　regard　to　an

alteration　or　modification　of　that　law；　I　would　not　be　the　man　to

introduce　it　as　a　new　subject　of　agitation　upon　the　general

question　of　slavery。



In　regard　to　the　other　question；　of　whether　I　am　pledged　to　the

admission　of　any　more　slave　States　into　the　Union；　I　state　to　you

very　frankly　that　I　would　be　exceedingly　sorry　ever　to　be　put　in

a　position　of　having　to　pass　upon　that　question。　　I　should　be

exceedingly　glad　to　know　that　there　would　never　be　another　slave

State　admitted　into　the　Union；　but　I　must　add　that　if　slavery

shall　be　kept　out　of　the　Territories　during　the　territorial

existence　of　any　one　given　Territory；　and　then　the　people　shall；

having　a　fair　chance　and　a　clear　field；　when　they　come　to　adopt

the　constitution；　do　such　an　extraordinary　thing　as　to　adopt　a

slave　constitution；　uninfluenced　by　the　actual　presence　of　the

institution　among　them；　I　see　no　alternative；　if　we　own　the

country；　but　to　admit　them　into　the　Union。



The　third　interrogatory　is　answered　by　the　answer　to　the　second；

it　being；　as　I　conceive；　the　same　as　the　second。



The　fourth　one　is　in　regard　to　the　abolition　of　slavery　in　the

District　of　Columbia。　　In　relation　to　that；　I　have　my　mind　very

distinctly　made　up。　　I　should　be　exceedingly　glad　to　see　slavery

abolished　in　the　District　of　Columbia。　　I　believe　that　Congress

possesses　the　constitutional　power　to　abolish　it。　　Yet　as　a

member　of　Congress；　I　should　not；　with　my　present　views；　be　in

favor　of　endeavoring　to　abolish　slavery　in　the　District　of

Columbia；　unless　it　would　be　upon　these　conditions：　First；　that

the　abolition　should　be　gradual；　second；　that　it　should　be　on　a

vote　of　the　majority　of　qualified　voters　in　the　District；　and

third；　that　compensation　should　be　made　to　unwilling　owners。

With　these　three　conditions；　I　confess　I　would　be　exceedingly

glad　to　see　Congress　abolish　slavery　in　the　District　of　Columbia；

and；　in　the　language　of　Henry　Clay；　〃sweep　from　our　capital　that

foul　blot　upon　our　nation。〃



In　regard　to　the　fifth　interrogatory；　I　must　say　here　that；　as　to

the　question　of　the　abolition　of　the　slave…trade　between　the

different　States；　I　can　truly　answer；　as　I　have；　that　I　am

pledged　to　nothing　about　it。　　It　is　a　subject　to　which　I　have　not

given　that　mature　consideration　that　would　make　me　feel

authorized　to　state　a　position　so　as　to　hold　myself　entirely

bound　by　it。　　In　other　words；　that　question　has　never　been

prominently　enough　before　me　to　induce　me　to　investigate　whether

we　really　have　the　constitutional　power　to　do　it。　　I　could

investigate　it　if　I　had　sufficient　time　to　bring　myself　to　a

conclusion　upon　that　subject；　but　I　have　not　done　so；　and　I　say

so　frankly　to　you　here；　and　to　Judge　Douglas。　　I　must　say；

however；　that　if　I　should　be　of　opinion　that　Congress　does

possess　the　constitutional　power　to　abolish　the　slave…trade　among

the　different　States；　I　should　still　not　be　in　favor　of　the

exercise　of　that　power；　unless　upon　some　conservative　principle

as　I　conceive　it；　akin　to　what　I　have　said　in　relation　to　the

abolition　of　slavery　in　the　District　of　Columbia。



My　answer　as　to　whether　I　desire　that　slavery　should　be

prohibited　in　all　the　Territories　of　the　United　States　is　full

and　explicit　within　itself；　and　cannot　be　made　clearer　by　any

comments　of　mine。　　So　I　suppose　in　regard　to　the　question　whether

I　am　opposed　to　the　acquisition　of　any　more　territory　unless

slavery　is　first　prohibited　therein；　my　answer　is　such　that　I

could　add　nothing　by　way　of　illustration；　or　making　myself　better

understood；　than　the　answer　which　I　have　placed　in　writing。



Now　in　all　this　the　Judge　has　me；　and　he　has　me　on　the　record。　　I

suppose　he　had　flattered　himself　that　I　was　really　entertaining

one　set　of　opinions　for　one　place；　and　another　set　for　another

place；　that　I　was　afraid　to　say　at　one　place　what　I　uttered　at

another。　　What　I　am　saying　here　I　suppose　I　say　to　a　vast

audience　as　strongly　tending　to　Abolitionism　as　any　audience　in

the　State　of　Illinois；　and　I　believe　I　am　saying　that　which；　if

it　would　be　offensive　to　any　persons　and　render　them　enemies　to

myself；　would　be　offensive　to　persons　in　this

audience。



I　now　proceed　to　propound　to　the　Judge　the　interrogatories；　so

far　as　I　have　framed　them。　　I　will　bring　forward　a　new

installment　when　I　get　them　ready。　　I　will　bring　them　forward　now

only　reaching　to　number　four。

The　first　one　is：



Question　1。If　the　people　of　Kansas　shall；　by　means　entirely

unobjectionable　in　all　other　respects；　adopt　a　State

constitution；　and　ask　admission　into　the　Union　under　it；　before

they　have　the　requisite　number　of　inhabitants　according　to　the

English　bill；some　ninety…three　thousand；will　you　vote　to

admit　them？



Q。　　2。Can　the　people　of　a　United　States　Territory；　in　any

lawful　way；　against　the　wish　of　any　citizen　of　the　United　States；

exclude　slavery　from　its　limits　prior　to　the　formation　of　a　State

constitution？



Q。　　3。　　If　the　Supreme　Court　of　the　United　States　shall　decide

that　States　cannot　exclude　slavery　from　their　limits；　are　you　in

favor　of　acquiescing　in；　adopting；　and　following　such　decision　as

a　rule　of　political　action？



Q。　　4。　　Are　you　in　favor　of　acquiring　additional　territory；　in

disregard　of　how　such　acquisition　may　affect　the　nation　on　the

slavery　question？



As　introductory　to　these　interrogatories　which　Judge　Douglas

propounded　to　me　at　Ottawa；　he　read　a　set　of　resolutions　which　he

said　Judge　Trumbull　and　myself　had　participated　in　adopting；　in

the　first　Republican　State　Convention；　held　at　Springfield　in

October；　1854。　　He　insisted　that　I　and　Judge　Trumbull；　and

perhaps　the　entire　Republican　party；　were　responsible　for　the

doctrines　contained　in　the　set　of　resolutions　which　he　read；　and

I　understand　that　it　was　from　that　set　of　resolutions　that　he

deduced　the　interrogatories　which　he　propounded　to　me；　using

these　resolutions　as　a　sort　of　authority　for　propounding　those

questions　to　me。　　Now；　I　say　here　to…day　that　I　do　not　answer　his

interrogatories　because　of　their　springing　at　all　from　that　set

of　resolutions　which　he　read。　　I　answered　them　because　Judge

Douglas　thought　fit　to　ask　them。　　I　do　not　now；　nor　ever　did；

recognize　any　responsibility　upon　myself　in　that　set　of

resolutions。　　When　I　replied　to　him　on　that　occasion；　I　assured

him　that　I　never　had　anything　to　do　with　them。　　I　repeat　here　to

today　that　I　never　in　any　possible　form　had　anything　to　do　with

that　set　of　resolutions　　It　turns　out；　I　believe；　that　those

resolutions　were　never　passed　in　any　convention　held　in

Springfield。



It　turns　out　that　they　were　never　passed　at　any　convention　or　any

public　meeting　that　I　had　any　part　in。　　I　believe　it　turns　out；

in　addition　to　all　this；　that　there　was　not；　in　the　fall　of　1854；

any　convention　holding　a　session　in　Springfield；　calling　itself　a

Republican　State　Convention；　yet　it　is　true　there　was　a

convention；　or　assemblage　of　men　calling　themselves　a　convention；

at　Springfield；　that　did　pass　some　resolutions。　　But　so　little

did　I　really　know　of　the　proceedings　of　that　convention；　or　what

set　of　resolutions　they　had　passed；　though　having　a　general

knowledge　that　there　had　been　such　an　assemblage　of　men　there；

that　when　Judge　Douglas　read　the　resolutions；　I　really　did　not

know　but　they　had　been　the　resolutions　passed　then　and　there。　　I

did　not　question　that　they　were　the　resolutions　adopted。　　For　I

could　not　bring　myself　to　suppose　that　Judge　Douglas　could　say

what　he　did　upon　this　subject　without　knowing　that　it　was　true。

I　contented　myself；　on　that　occasion；　with　denying；　as　I　truly

could；　all　connection　with　them；　not　denying　or　affirming　whether

they　were　passed　at　Springfield。　　Now；　it　turns　out　that　he　had

got　hold　of　some　resolutions　passed　at　some　convention　or　public

meeting　in　Kane　County。　　I　wish　to　say　here；　that　I　don't

conceive　that　in　any　fair　and　just　mind　this　discovery　relieves

me　at　all。　　I　had　just　as　much　to　do　with　the　convention　in　Kane

County　as　that　at　Springfield。　　I　am　as　much　responsible　for　the

resolutions　at　Kane　County　as　those　at　Springfield；the　amount

of　the　responsibility　being　exactly　nothing　in　either　case；　no

more　than　there　would　be　in　regard　to　a　set　of　resolutions　passed

in　the　moon。



I　allude　to　this　extraordinary　matter　in　this　canvass　for　some

further　purpose　than　anything　yet　advanced。　　Judge　Douglas　did

not　make　his　statement　upon　that　occasion　as　matters　that　he

believed　to　be　true；　but　he　stated　them　roundly　as　being　true；　in

such　form　as　to　pledge　his　veracity　for　their　truth。　　When　the

whole　matter　turns　out　as　it　does；　and　when　we　consider　who　Judge

Douglas　is；　that　he　is　a　distinguished　Senator　of　the　United

States；　that　he　has　served　nearly　twelve　years　as　such；　that　his

character　is　not　at　all　limited　as　an　ordinary　Senator　of　the

United　States；　but　that　his　name　has　become　of　world…wide

renown；it　is　most　extraordinary　that　he　should　so　far　forget

all　the　suggestions　of　justice　to　an　adversary；　or　of　prudence　to

himself；　as　to　venture　upon　the　assertion　of　that　which　the

slightest　investigation　would　have　shown　him　to　be　wholly　false。

I　can　only　account　for　his　having　done　so　upon　the　supposition

that　that　evil　genius　which　has　attended　him　through　his　life；

giving　to　him　an　apparent　astonishing　prosperity；　such　as　to　lead

very　many　good　men　to　doubt　there　being　any　advantage　in　virtue

over　vice；I　say　I　can　only　account　for　it　on　the　supposition

that　that　evil　genius　has　as　last　made　up　its　mind　to　forsake