the writings-3-第7章

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representation　upon　that　census　would　give　us。　　We　know　that　it

could　not；　if　fairly　made；　fail　to　give　the　Republican　party　from

six　to　ten　more　members　of　the　Legislature　than　they　can　probably

get　as　the　law　now　stands。　　It　so　happened　at　the　last　session　of

the　Legislature　that　our　opponents；　holding　the　control　of　both

branches　of　the　Legislature；　steadily　refused　to　give　us　such　an

apportionment　as　we　were　rightly　entitled　to　have　upon　the　census

already　taken。　　The　Legislature　steadily　refused　to　give　us　such

an　apportionment　as　we　were　rightfully　entitled　to　have　upon　the

census　taken　of　the　population　of　the　State。　　The　Legislature

would　pass　no　bill　upon　that　subject；　except　such　as　was　at　least

as　unfair　to　us　as　the　old　one；　and　in　which；　in　some　instances；

two　men　in　the　Democratic　regions　were　allowed　to　go　as　far

toward　sending　a　member　to　the　Legislature　as　three　were　in　the

Republican　regions。　　Comparison　was　made　at　the　time　as　to

representative　and　senatorial　districts；　which　completely

demonstrated　that　such　was　the　fact。　　Such　a　bill　was　passed　and

tendered　to　the　Republican　Governor　for　his　signature；　but；

principally　for　the　reasons　I　have　stated；　he　withheld　his

approval；　and　the　bill　fell　without　becoming　a　law。



Another　disadvantage　under　which　we　labor　is　that　there　are　one

or　two　Democratic　Senators　who　will　be　members　of　the　next

Legislature；　and　will　vote　for　the　election　of　Senator；　who　are

holding　over　in　districts　in　which　we　could；　on　all　reasonable

calculation；　elect　men　of　our　own；　if　we　only　had　the　chance　of

an　election。　　When　we　consider　that　there　are　but　twenty…five

Senators　in　the　Senate；　taking　two　from　the　side　where　they

rightfully　belong；　and　adding　them　to　the　other；　is　to　us　a

disadvantage　not　to　be　lightly　regarded。　　Still；　so　it　is；　we

have　this　to　contend　with。　　Perhaps　there　is　no　ground　of

complaint　on　our　part。　　In　attending　to　the　many　things　involved

in　the　last　general　election　for　President；　Governor；　Auditor；

Treasurer；　Superintendent　of　Public　Instruction；　Members　of

Congress；　of　the　Legislature；　County　Officers；　and　so　on；　we

allowed　these　things　to　happen　by　want　of　sufficient　attention；

and　we　have　no　cause　to　complain　of　our　adversaries；　so　far　as

this　matter　is　concerned。　　But　we　have　some　cause　to　complain　of

the　refusal　to　give　us　a　fair　apportionment。



There　is　still　another　disadvantage　under　which　we　labor；　and　to

which　I　will　ask　your　attention。　　It　arises　out　of　the　relative

positions　of　the　two　persons　who　stand　before　the　State　as

candidates　for　the　Senate。　　Senator　Douglas　is　of　world…wide

renown。　　All　the　anxious　politicians　of　his　party；　or　who　have

been　of　his　party　for　years　past；　have　been　looking　upon　him　as

certainly；　at　no　distant　day；　to　be　the　President　of　the　United

States。　　They　have　seen　in　his　round；　jolly；　fruitful　face

post…offices；　land…offices；　marshalships；　and　cabinet

appointments；　charge…ships　and　foreign　missions　bursting　and

sprouting　out　in　wonderful　exuberance；　ready　to　be　laid　hold　of

by　their　greedy　hands。　　And　as　they　have　been　gazing　upon　this

attractive　picture　so　long；　they　cannot；　in　the　little

distraction　that　has　taken　place　in　the　party；　bring　themselves

to　give　up　the　charming　hope；　but　with　greedier　anxiety　they　rush

about　him；　sustain　him；　and　give　him　marches；　triumphal　entries；

and　receptions　beyond　what　even　in　the　days　of　his　highest

prosperity　they　could　have　brought　about　in　his　favor。　　On　the

contrary；　nobody　has　ever　expected　me　to　be　President。　　In　my

poor；　lean；　lank　face；　nobody　has　ever　seen　that　any　cabbages

were　sprouting　out。　　These　are　disadvantages　all；　taken　together；

that　the　Republicans　labor　under。　　We　have　to　fight　this　battle

upon　principle；　and　upon　principle　alone。　　I　am；　in　a　certain

sense；　made　the　standard…bearer　in　behalf　of　the　Republicans。　　I

was　made　so　merely　because　there　had　to　be　some　one　so　placed；I

being　in　nowise　preferable　to　any　other　one　of　twenty…five；

perhaps　a　hundred；　we　have　in　the　Republican　ranks。　　Then　I　say　I

wish　it　to　be　distinctly　understood　and　borne　in　mind　that　we

have　to　fight　this　battle　without　manyperhaps　without　any　of

the　external　aids　which　are　brought　to　bear　against　us。　　So　I

hope　those　with　whom　I　am　surrounded　have　principle　enough　to

nerve　themselves　for　the　task；　and　leave　nothing　undone　that　can

be　fairly　done　to　bring　about　the　right　result。



After　Senator　Douglas　left　Washington；　as　his　movements　were　made

known　by　the　public　prints；　he　tarried　a　considerable　time　in　the

city　of　New　York；　and　it　was　heralded　that；　like　another

Napoleon；　he　was　lying　by　and　framing　the　plan　of　his　campaign。

It　was　telegraphed　to　Washington　City；　and　published　in　the

Union；　that　he　was　framing　his　plan　for　the　purpose　of　going　to

Illinois　to　pounce　upon　and　annihilate　the　treasonable　and

disunion　speech　which　Lincoln　had　made　here　on　the　16th　of　June。

Now；　I　do　suppose　that　the　Judge　really　spent　some　time　in　New

York　maturing　the　plan　of　the　campaign；　as　his　friends　heralded

for　him。　　I　have　been　able；　by　noting　his　movements　since　his

arrival　in　Illinois；　to　discover　evidences　confirmatory　of　that

allegation。　　I　think　I　have　been　able　to　see　what　are　the

material　points　of　that　plan。　　I　will；　for　a　little　while；　ask

your　attention　to　some　of　them。　　What　I　shall　point　out；　though

not　showing　the　whole　plan；　are；　nevertheless；　the　main　points；

as　I　suppose。



They　are　not　very　numerous。　　The　first　is　popular　sovereignty。

The　second　and　third　are　attacks　upon　my　speech　made　on　the　16th

of　June。　　Out　of　these　three　pointsdrawing　within　the　range　of

popular　sovereignty　the　question　of　the　Lecompton　Constitution

he　makes　his　principal　assault。　　Upon　these　his　successive

speeches　are　substantially　one　and　the　same。　　On　this　matter　of

popular　sovereignty　I　wish　to　be　a　little　careful。　　Auxiliary　to

these　main　points；　to　be　sure；　are　their　thunderings　of　cannon；

their　marching　and　music；　their　fizzlegigs　and　fireworks；　but　I

will　not　waste　time　with　them。　　They　are　but　the　little　trappings

of　the　campaign。



Coming　to　the　substance；the　first　point；〃popular　sovereignty。〃

It　is　to　be　labeled　upon　the　cars　in　which　he　travels；　put　upon

the　hacks　he　rides　in；　to　be　flaunted　upon　the　arches　he　passes

under；　and　the　banners　which　wave　over　him。　　It　is　to　be　dished

up　in　as　many　varieties　as　a　French　cook　can　produce　soups　from

potatoes。　　Now；　as　this　is　so　great　a　staple　of　the　plan　of　the

campaign；　it　is　worth　while　to　examine　it　carefully；　and　if　we

examine　only　a　very　little；　and　do　not　allow　ourselves　to　be

misled；　we　shall　be　able　to　see　that　the　whole　thing　is　the　most

arrant　Quixotism　that　was　ever　enacted　before　a　community。　　What

is　the　matter　of　popular　sovereignty？　　The　first　thing；　in　order

to　understand　it；　is　to　get　a　good　definition　of　what　it　is；　and

after　that　to　see　how　it　is　applied。



I　suppose　almost　every　one　knows　that；　in　this　controversy；

whatever　has　been　said　has　had　reference　to　the　question　of　negro

slavery。　　We　have　not　been　in　a　controversy　about　the　right　of

the　people　to　govern　themselves　in　the　ordinary　matters　of

domestic　concern　in　the　States　and　Territories。　　Mr。　Buchanan；　in

one　of　his　late　messages　（I　think　when　he　sent　up　the　Lecompton

Constitution）　urged　that　the　main　point　to　which　the　public

attention　had　been　directed　was　not　in　regard　to　the　great

variety　of　small　domestic　matters；　but　was　directed　to　the

question　of　negro　slavery；　and　he　asserts　that　if　the　people　had

had　a　fair　chance　to　vote　on　that　question　there　was　no

reasonable　ground　of　objection　in　regard　to　minor　questions。

Now；　while　I　think　that　the　people　had　not　had　given；　or　offered；

them　a　fair　chance　upon　that　slavery　question；　still；　if　there

had　been　a　fair　submission　to　a　vote　upon　that　main　question；　the

President's　proposition　would　have　been　true　to　the　utmost。

Hence；　when　hereafter　I　speak　of　popular　sovereignty；　I　wish　to

be　understood　as　applying　what　I　say　to　the　question　of　slavery

only；　not　to　other　minor　domestic　matters　of　a　Territory　or　a

State。



Does　Judge　Douglas；　when　he　says　that　several　of　the　past　years

of　his　life　have　been　devoted　to　the　question　of　〃popular

sovereignty；〃　and　that　all　the　remainder　of　his　life　shall　be

devoted　to　it；　does　he　mean　to　say　that　he　has　been　devoting　his

life　to　securing　to　the　people　of　the　Territories　the　right　to

exclude　slavery　from　the　Territories？　　If　he　means　so　to　say　he

means　to　deceive；　because　he　and　every　one　knows　that　the

decision　of　the　Supreme　Court；　which　he　approves　and　makes

especial　ground　of　attack　upon　me　for　disapproving；　forbids　the

people　of　a　Territory　to　exclude　slavery。　　This　covers　the　whole

ground；　from　the　settlement　of　a　Territory　till　it　reaches　the

degree　of　maturity　entitling　it　to　form　a　State　Constitution。　　So

far　as　all　that　ground　is　concerned；　the　Judge　is　not　sustaining

popular　sovereignty；　but　absolutely　opposing　it。　　He　sustains　the

decision　which　declares　that　the　popular　will　of　the　Territory

has　no　constitutional　power　to　exclude　slavery　during　their

territorial　existence。　　This　being　so；　the　period　of　time　from

the　first　settlement　of　a　Territory　till　it　reaches　the　point　of

forming　a　State　Constitution　is　not　the　thing　that　the　Judge　has

fought　for　or　is　fighting　for；　but；　on　the　contrary；　he　has

fought　for；　and　is　fighting　for；　the　thing　that　annihilates　and

crushes　out　that　same　popular　sovereignty。



Well；　so　much　being　disposed　of；　what　is　left？　　Why；　he　is

contending　for　the　right　of　the　people；　when　they　come　to　make　a

State　Constitution；　to　make　it　for　themselves；　and　precisely　as

best　suits　themselves。　　I　say　again；　that　is　quixotic。　　I　defy

contradiction　when　I　declare　that　the　Judge　can　find　no　one　to

oppose　him　on　that　proposition。　　I　repeat；　there　is　nobody

opposing　that　proposition　on　principle。　　Let　me　not　be

misunderstood。　　I　know　that；　with　reference　to　the　Lecompton

Constitution；　I　may　be　misunderstood；　but　when　you　understand　me

correctly；　my　proposition　will　be　true　and　accurate。　　Nobody　is

opposing；　or　has　opposed；　the　right　of　the　people；　when　they　form

a　constitution；　to　form　it　for　themselves。　　Mr。　Buchanan　and　his

friends　have　not　done　it；　they；　too；　as　well　as　the　Republicans

and　the　Anti…Lecompton　Democrats；　have　not　done　it；　but　on　the

contrary；　they　together　have　insisted　on　the　right　of　the　people

to　form　a　constitution　for　themselves。　　The　difference　between

the　Buchanan　men　on　the　one　hand；　and　the　Douglas　men　and　the

Republicans　on　the　other；　has　not　been　on　a　question　of

principle；　but　on　a　question　of　fact。



The　dispute　was　upon　the　question　of　fact；　whether　the　Lecompton

Constitution　had　been　fairly　formed　by　the　people　or　not。　　Mr。

Buchanan　and　his　friends　have　not　contended　for　the　contrary

principle　any　mor