all for love-第2章

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and　the　temper　of　the　natives；　an　island　being　more　proper　for　commerce　and　for　defence；　than　for　extending　its　dominions　on　the　Continent；　for　what　the　valour　of　its　inhabitants　might　gain；　by　reason　of　its　remoteness；　and　the　casualties　of　the　seas；　it　could　not　so　easily　preserve：　　And；　therefore；　neither　the　arbitrary　power　of　One；　in　a　monarchy；　nor　of　Many；　in　a　commonwealth；　could　make　us　greater　than　we　are。　　It　is　true；　that　vaster　and　more　frequent　taxes　might　be　gathered；　when　the　consent　of　the　people　was　not　asked　or　needed；　but　this　were　only　by　conquering　abroad；　to　be　poor　at　home；　and　the　examples　of　our　neighbours　teach　us；　that　they　are　not　always　the　happiest　subjects；　whose　kings　extend　their　dominions　farthest。　　Since　therefore　we　cannot　win　by　an　offensive　war；　at　least；　a　land　war；　the　model　of　our　government　seems　naturally　contrived　for　the　defensive　part；　and　the　consent　of　a　people　is　easily　obtained　to　contribute　to　that　power　which　must　protect　it。　　Felices　nimium；　bona　si　sua　norint；　Angligenae！　And　yet　there　are　not　wanting　malcontents　among　us；　who；　surfeiting　themselves　on　too　much　happiness；　would　persuade　the　people　that　they　might　be　happier　by　a　change。　　It　was　indeed　the　policy　of　their　old　forefather；　when　himself　was　fallen　from　the　station　of　glory；　to　seduce　mankind　into　the　same　rebellion　with　him；　by　telling　him　he　might　yet　be　freer　than　he　was；　that　is　more　free　than　his　nature　would　allow；　or；　if　I　may　so　say；　than　God　could　make　him。　　We　have　already　all　the　liberty　which　freeborn　subjects　can　enjoy；　and　all　beyond　it　is　but　licence。　But　if　it　be　liberty　of　conscience　which　they　pretend；　the　moderation　of　our　church　is　such；　that　its　practice　extends　not　to　the　severity　of　persecution；　and　its　discipline　is　withal　so　easy；　that　it　allows　more　freedom　to　dissenters　than　any　of　the　sects　would　allow　to　it。　　In　the　meantime；　what　right　can　be　pretended　by　these　men　to　attempt　innovation　in　church　or　state？　Who　made　them　the　trustees；　or　to　speak　a　little　nearer　their　own　language；　the　keepers　of　the　liberty　of　England？　　If　their　call　be　extraordinary；　let　them　convince　us　by　working　miracles；　for　ordinary　vocation　they　can　have　none；　to　disturb　the　government　under　which　they　were　born；　and　which　protects　them。　　He　who　has　often　changed　his　party；　and　always　has　made　his　interest　the　rule　of　it；　gives　little　evidence　of　his　sincerity　for　the　public　good；　it　is　manifest　he　changes　but　for　himself；　and　takes　the　people　for　tools　to　work　his　fortune。　　Yet　the　experience　of　all　ages　might　let　him　know；　that　they　who　trouble　the　waters　first；　have　seldom　the　benefit　of　the　fishing；　as　they　who　began　the　late　rebellion　enjoyed　not　the　fruit　of　their　undertaking；　but　were　crushed　themselves　by　the　usurpation　of　their　own　instrument。　　Neither　is　it　enough　for　them　to　answer；　that　they　only　intend　a　reformation　of　the　government；　but　not　the　subversion　of　it：　　on　such　pretence　all　insurrections　have　been　founded；　it　is　striking　at　the　root　of　power；　which　is　obedience。　Every　remonstrance　of　private　men　has　the　seed　of　treason　in　it；　and　discourses；　which　are　couched　in　ambiguous　terms；　are　therefore　the　more　dangerous；　because　they　do　all　the　mischief　of　open　sedition；　yet　are　safe　from　the　punishment　of　the　laws。　These；　my　lord；　are　considerations；　which　I　should　not　pass　so　lightly　over；　had　I　room　to　manage　them　as　they　deserve；　for　no　man　can　be　so　inconsiderable　in　a　nation；　as　not　to　have　a　share　in　the　welfare　of　it；　and　if　he　be　a　true　Englishman；　he　must　at　the　same　time　be　fired　with　indignation；　and　revenge　himself　as　he　can　on　the　disturbers　of　his　country。　　And　to　whom　could　I　more　fitly　apply　myself　than　to　your　lordship；　who　have　not　only　an　inborn；　but　an　hereditary　loyalty？　　The　memorable　constancy　and　sufferings　of　your　father；　almost　to　the　ruin　of　his　estate；　for　the　royal　cause；　were　an　earnest　of　that　which　such　a　parent　and　such　an　institution　would　produce　in　the　person　of　a　son。　But　so　unhappy　an　occasion　of　manifesting　your　own　zeal；　in　suffering　for　his　present　majesty；　the　providence　of　God；　and　the　prudence　of　your　administration；　will；　I　hope；　prevent；　that；　as　your　father's　fortune　waited　on　the　unhappiness　of　his　sovereign；　so　your　own　may　participate　of　the　better　fate　which　attends　his　son。　　The　relation　which　you　have　by　alliance　to　the　noble　family　of　your　lady；　serves　to　confirm　to　you　both　this　happy　augury。　　For　what　can　deserve　a　greater　place　in　the　English　chronicle；　than　the　loyalty　and　courage；　the　actions　and　death；　of　the　general　of　an　army；　fighting　for　his　prince　and　country？　　The　honour　and　gallantry　of　the　Earl　of　Lindsey　is　so　illustrious　a　subject；　that　it　is　fit　to　adorn　an　heroic　poem；　for　he　was　the　protomartyr　of　the　cause；　and　the　type　of　his　unfortunate　royal　master。

Yet　after　all；　my　lord；　if　I　may　speak　my　thoughts；　you　are　happy　rather　to　us　than　to　yourself；　for　the　multiplicity；　the　cares；　and　the　vexations　of　your　employment；　have　betrayed　you　from　yourself；　and　given　you　up　into　the　possession　of　the　public。　You　are　robbed　of　your　privacy　and　friends；　and　scarce　any　hour　of　your　life　you　can　call　your　own。　　Those；　who　envy　your　fortune；　if　they　wanted　not　good…nature；　might　more　justly　pity　it；　and　when　they　see　you　watched　by　a　crowd　of　suitors；　whose　importunity　it　is　impossible　to　avoid；　would　conclude；　with　reason；　that　you　have　lost　much　more　in　true　content；　than　you　have　gained　by　dignity；　and　that　a　private　gentleman　is　better　attended　by　a　single　servant；　than　your　lordship　with　so　clamorous　a　train。　　Pardon　me；　my　lord；　if　I　speak　like　a　philosopher　on　this　subject；　the　fortune　which　makes　a　man　uneasy；　cannot　make　him　happy；　and　a　wise　man　must　think　himself　uneasy；　when　few　of　his　actions　are　in　his　choice。

This　last　consideration　has　brought　me　to　another；　and　a　very　seasonable　one　for　your　relief；　which　is；　that　while　I　pity　your　want　of　leisure；　I　have　impertinently　detained　you　so　long　a　time。　　I　have　put　off　my　own　business；　which　was　my　dedication；　till　it　is　so　late；　that　I　am　now　ashamed　to　begin　it；　and　therefore　I　will　say　nothing　of　the　poem；　which　I　present　to　you；　because　I　know　not　if　you　are　like　to　have　an　hour；　which；　with　a　good　conscience；　you　may　throw　away　in　perusing　it；　and　for　the　author；　I　have　only　to　beg　the　continuance　of　your　protection　to　him；　who　is；

　　　　　My　Lord；　　　　　　　　　　　Your　Lordship's　most　obliged；　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Most　humble；　and　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Most　obedient；　servant；　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　John　Dryden。


PREFACE

The　death　of　Antony　and　Cleopatra　is　a　subject　which　has　been　treated　by　the　greatest　wits　of　our　nation；　after　Shakespeare；　and　by　all　so　variously；　that　their　example　has　given　me　the　confidence　to　try　myself　in　this　bow　of　Ulysses　amongst　the　crowd　of　suitors；　and；　withal；　to　take　my　own　measures；　in　aiming　at　the　mark。　　I　doubt　not　but　the　same　motive　has　prevailed　with　all　of　us　in　this　attempt；　I　mean　the　excellency　of　the　moral：　　For　the　chief　persons　represented　were　famous　patterns　of　unlawful　love；　and　their　end　accordingly　was　unfortunate。　　All　reasonable　men　have　long　since　concluded；　that　the　hero　of　the　poem　ought　not　to　be　a　character　of　perfect　virtue；　for　then　he　could　not；　without　injustice；　be　made　unhappy；　nor　yet　altogether　wicked；　because　he　could　not　then　be　pitied。　　I　have　therefore　steered　the　middle　course；　and　have　drawn　the　character　of　Antony　as　favourably　as　Plutarch；　Appian；　and　Dion　Cassius　would　give　me　leave；　the　like　I　have　observed　in　Cleopatra。　That　which　is　wanting　to　work　up　the　pity　to　a　greater　height；　was　not　afforded　me　by　the　story；　for　the　crimes　of　love；　which　they　both　committed；　were　not　occasioned　by　any　necessity；　or　fatal　ignorance；　but　were　wholly　voluntary；　since　our　passions　are；　or　ought　to　be；　within　our　power。　　The　fabric　of　the　play　is　regular　enough；　as　to　the　inferior　parts　of　it；　and　the　unities　of　time；　place；　and　action；　more　exactly　observed；　than　perhaps　the　English　theatre　requires。　Particularly；　the　action　is　so　much　one；　that　it　is　the　only　one　of　the　kind　without　episode；　or　underplot；　every　scene　in　the　tragedy　conducing　to　the　main　design；　and　every　act　concluding　with　a　turn　of　it。　　The　greatest　error　in　the　contrivance　seems　to　be　in　the　person　of　Octavia；　for；　though　I　might　use　the　privilege　of　a　poet；　to　introduce　her　into　Alexandria；　yet　I　had　not　enough　considered；　that　the　compassion　she　moved　to　herself　and　children　was　destructive　to　that　which　I　reserved　for　Antony　and　Cleopatra；　whose　mutual　love　being　founded　upon　vice；　must　lessen　the　favour　of　the　audience　to　them；　when　virtue　and　innocence　were　oppressed　by　it。　　And；　though　I　justified　Antony　in　some　measure；　by　making　Octavia's　departure　to　proceed　wholly　from　herself；　yet　the　force　of　the　first　machine　still　remained；　and　the　dividing　of　pity；　like　the　cutting　of　a　river　into　many　channels；　abated　the　strength　of　the　natural　stream。　　But　this　is　an　objection　which　none　of　my　critics　have　urged　against　me；　and　therefore　I　might　have　let　it　pass；　if　I　could　have　resolved　to　have　been　partial　to　myself。　　The　faults　my　enemies　have　found　are　rather　cavils　concerning　little　and　not　essential　decencies；　which　a　master　of　the　ceremonies　may　decide　betwixt　us。　　The　French　poets；　I　confess；　are　strict　observers　of　these　punctilios：　　They　would　not；　for　example；　have　suffered　Cleopatra　and　Octavia　to　have　met；　or；　if　they　had　met；　there　must　have　only　passed　betwixt　them　some　cold　civilities；　but　no　eagerness　of　repartee；　for　fear　of　offending　against　the　greatness　of　their　characters；　and　the　modesty　of　their　sex。　　This　objection　I　foresaw；　and　at　the　same　time　contemned；　for　I　judged　it　both　natural　and　probable；　that　Octavia；　proud　of　her　new…gained　conquest；　would　search　out　Cleopatra　to　triumph　over　her；　and　that　Cleopatra；　thus　attacked；　was　not　of　a　spirit　to　shun　the　encounter：　　And　it　is　not　unlikely；　that　two　exasperated　rivals　should　use　such　satire　as　I　have　put　into　their　mouths；　for；　after　all；　though　the　one　were　a　Roman；　and　the　other　a　queen；　they　were　both　women。　　It　is　true；　some　actions；　though　natural；　are　not　fit　to　be　represented；　and　broad　obscenities　in　words　ought　in　good　manners　to　be　avoided：　　expressions　therefore　are　a　modest　clothing　of　our　thoughts；　as　breeches　and　petticoats　are　of　our　bodies。　　If　I　have　kept　myself　within　the　bounds　of　modesty；　all　beyond；　it　is　but　nicety　and　affectation；　which　is　no　more　but　modesty　depraved　into　a　vice。　　They　betray　themselves　who　are　too　quick　of　apprehension　in　such　cases；　and　leave　all　reasonable　men　to　imagine　worse　of　them；　than　of　the　poet。

Honest　Montaigne　goes　yet　further：　　Nous　ne　sommes　que　ceremonie；　la　ceremonie　nous　emporte；　et　laissons　la　substance　des　choses。　　Nous　nous　tenons　aux　branches；　et　abandonnons　le　tronc　et　le　corps。　　Nous　avons　appris　aux　dames　de　rougir；　oyans　seulement　nommer　ce　qu'elles　ne　craignent　aucunement　a　faire：　　Nous　n'osons　appeller　a　droit　nos　membres；　et　ne　craignons　pas　de　les　employer　a　toute　sorte　de　debauche。　　La　ceremonie　nous　defend　d'exprimer　par　paroles　les　choses　licites　et　naturelles；　et　nous　l'en　croyons；　la　raison　nous　defend　de　n'en　faire　point　d'illicites　et　mauvaises；　et　personne　ne　l'en　croit。　My　comfort