wealbk04-第10章

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freedom　of　trade；　and　after　it　the　linen；　though　the　latter　much

less　than　the　former。

　　　　　Secondly；　though　a　great　number　of　people　should；　by　thus

restoring　the　freedom　of　trade；　be　thrown　all　at　once　out　of

their　ordinary　employment　and　common　method　of　subsistence；　it

would　by　no　means　follow　that　they　would　thereby　be　deprived

either　of　employment　or　subsistence。　By　the　reduction　of　the　army

and　navy　at　the　end　of　the　late　war；　more　than　a　hundred　thousand

soldiers　and　seamen；　a　number　equal　to　what　is　employed　in　the

greatest　manufactures；　were　all　at　once　thrown　out　of　their

ordinary　employment；　but；　though　they　no　doubt　suffered　some

inconveniency；　they　were　not　thereby　deprived　of　all　employment

and　subsistence。　The　greater　part　of　the　seamen；　it　is　probable；

gradually　betook　themselves　to　the　merchant…service　as　they　could

find　occasion；　and　in　the　meantime　both　they　and　the　soldiers

were　absorbed　in　the　great　mass　of　the　people；　and　employed　in　a

great　variety　of　occupations。　Not　only　no　great　convulsion；　but

no　sensible　disorder　arose　from　so　great　a　change　in　the

situation　of　more　than　a　hundred　thousand　men；　all　accustomed　to

the　use　of　arms；　and　many　of　them　to　rapine　and　plunder。　The

number　of　vagrants　was　scarce　anywhere　sensibly　increased　by　it；

even　the　wages　of　labour　were　not　reduced　by　it　in　any

occupation；　so　far　as　I　have　been　able　to　learn；　except　in　that

of　seamen　in　the　merchant　service。　But　if　we　compare　together　the

habits　of　a　soldier　and　of　any　sort　of　manufacturer；　we　shall

find　that　those　of　the　latter　do　not　tend　so　much　to　disqualify

him　from　being　employed　in　a　new　trade；　as　those　of　the　former

from　being　employed　in　any。　The　manufacturer　has　always　been

accustomed　to　look　for　his　subsistence　from　his　labour　only：　the

soldier　to　expect　it　from　his　pay。　Application　and　industry　have

been　familiar　to　the　one；　idleness　and　dissipation　to　the　other。

But　it　is　surely　much　easier　to　change　the　direction　of　industry

from　one　sort　of　labour　to　another　than　to　turn　idleness　and

dissipation　to　any。　To　the　greater　part　of　manufactures　besides；

it　has　already　been　observed；　there　are　other　collateral

manufactures　of　so　similar　a　nature　that　a　workman　can　easily

transfer　his　industry　from　one　of　them　to　another。　The　greater

part　of　such　workmen　too　are　occasionally　employed　in　country

labour。　The　stock　which　employed　them　in　a　particular　manufacture

before　will　still　remain　in　the　country　to　employ　an　equal　number

of　people　in　some　other　way。　The　capital　of　the　country　remaining

the　same；　the　demand　for　labour　will　likewise　be　the　same；　or

very　nearly　the　same；　though　it　may　be　exerted　in　different

places　and　for　different　occupations。　Soldiers　and　seamen；

indeed；　when　discharged　from　the　king's　service；　are　at　liberty

to　exercise　any　trade；　within　any　town　or　place　of　Great　Britain

or　Ireland。　Let　the　same　natural　liberty　of　exercising　what

species　of　industry　they　please；　be　restored　to　all　his　Majesty's

subjects；　in　the　same　manner　as　to　soldiers　and　seamen；　that　is；

break　down　the　exclusive　privileges　of　corporations；　and　repeal

the　Statute　of　Apprenticeship；　both　which　are　real　encroachments

upon　natural　liberty；　and　add　to　these　the　repeal　of　the　Law　of

Settlements；　so　that　a　poor　workman；　when　thrown　out　of

employment　either　in　one　trade　or　in　one　place；　may　seek　for　it

in　another　trade　or　in　another　place　without　the　fear　either　of　a

prosecution　or　of　a　removal；　and　neither　the　public　nor　the

individuals　will　suffer　much　more　from　the　occasional　disbanding

some　particular　classes　of　manufacturers　than　from　that　of

soldiers。　Our　manufacturers　have　no　doubt　great　merit　with　their

country；　but　they　cannot　have　more　than　those　who　defend　it　with

their　blood；　nor　deserve　to　be　treated　with　more　delicacy。

　　　　　To　expect；　indeed；　that　the　freedom　of　trade　should　ever　be

entirely　restored　in　Great　Britain　is　as　absurd　as　to　expect　that

an　Oceana　or　Utopia　should　ever　be　established　in　it。　Not　only

the　prejudices　of　the　public；　but　what　is　much　more

unconquerable；　the　private　interests　of　many　individuals；

irresistibly　oppose　it。　Were　the　officers　of　the　army　to　oppose

with　the　same　zeal　and　unanimity　any　reduction　in　the　numbers　of

forces　with　which　master　manufacturers　set　themselves　against

every　law　that　is　likely　to　increase　the　number　of　their　rivals

in　the　home　market；　were　the　former　to　animate　their　soldiers　in

the　same　manner　as　the　latter　enflame　their　workmen　to　attack

with　violence　and　outrage　the　proposers　of　any　such　regulation；

to　attempt　to　reduce　the　army　would　be　as　dangerous　as　it　has　now

become　to　attempt　to　diminish　in　any　respect　the　monopoly　which

our　manufacturers　have　obtained　against　us。　This　monopoly　has　so

much　increased　the　number　of　some　particular　tribes　of　them　that；

like　an　overgrown　standing　army；　they　have　become　formidable　to

the　government；　and　upon　many　occasions　intimidate　the

legislature。　The　Member　of　Parliament　who　supports　every　proposal

for　strengthening　this　monopoly　is　sure　to　acquire　not　only　the

reputation　of　understanding　trade；　but　great　popularity　and

influence　with　an　order　of　men　whose　numbers　and　wealth　render

them　of　great　importance。　If　he　opposes　them；　on　the　contrary；

and　still　more　if　he　has　authority　enough　to　be　able　to　thwart

them；　neither　the　most　acknowledged　probity；　nor　the　highest

rank；　nor　the　greatest　public　services　can　protect　him　from　the

most　infamous　abuse　and　detraction；　from　personal　insults；　nor

sometimes　from　real　danger；　arising　from　the　insolent　outrage　of

furious　and　disappointed　monopolists。

　　　　　The　undertaker　of　a　great　manufacture；　who；　by　the　home

markets　being　suddenly　laid　open　to　the　competition　of

foreigners；　should　be　obliged　to　abandon　his　trade；　would　no

doubt　suffer　very　considerably。　That　part　of　his　capital　which

had　usually　been　employed　in　purchasing　materials　and　in　paying

his　workmen　might；　without　much　difficulty；　perhaps；　find　another

employment。　But　that　part　of　it　which　was　fixed　in　workhouses；

and　in　the　instruments　of　trade；　could　scarce　be　disposed　of

without　considerable　loss。　The　equitable　regard；　therefore；　to

his　interest　requires　that　changes　of　this　kind　should　never　be

introduced　suddenly；　but　slowly；　gradually；　and　after　a　very　long

warning。　The　legislature；　were　it　possible　that　its　deliberations

could　be　always　directed；　not　by　the　clamorous　importunity　of

partial　interests；　but　by　an　extensive　view　of　the　general　good；

ought　upon　this　very　account；　perhaps；　to　be　particularly　careful

neither　to　establish　any　new　monopolies　of　this　kind；　nor　to

extend　further　those　which　are　already　established。　Every　such

regulation　introduces　some　degree　of　real　disorder　into　the

constitution　of　the　state；　which　it　will　be　difficult　afterwards

to　cure　without　occasioning　another　disorder。

　　　　　How　far　it　may　be　proper　to　impose　taxes　upon　the

importation　of　foreign　goods；　in　order　not　to　prevent　their

importation　but　to　raise　a　revenue　for　government；　I　shall

consider　hereafter　when　I　come　to　treat　of　taxes。　Taxes　imposed

with　a　view　to　prevent；　or　even　to　diminish　importation；　are

evidently　as　destructive　of　the　revenue　of　the　customs　as　of　the

freedom　of　trade。



　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　CHAPTER　III



Of　the　extraordinary　Restraints　upon　the　Importation　of　Goods　of

almost　all　kinds　from　those　Countries　with　which　the　Balance　is

supposed　to　be　disadvantageous　



　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　PART　I

Of　the　Unreasonableness　of　those　Restraints　even　upon　the

Principles　of　the　Commercial　System　



　　　　　TO　lay　extraordinary　restraints　upon　the　those　particular

countries　with　which　the　importation　of　goods　of　almost　all　kinds

from　balance　of　trade　is　supposed　to　be　disadvantageous；　is　the

second　expedient　by　which　the　commercial　system　proposes　to

increase　the　quantity　of　gold　and　silver。　Thus　in　Great　Britain；

Silesia　lawns　may　be　imported　for　home　consumption　upon　paying

certain　duties。　But　French　cambrics　and　lawns　are　prohibited　to

be　imported；　except　into　the　port　of　London；　there　to　be

warehoused　for　exportation。　Higher　duties　are　imposed　upon　the

wines　of　France　than　upon　those　of　Portugal；　or　indeed　of　any

other　country。　By　what　is　called　the　impost　1692；　a　duty　of

five…and…twenty　per　cent　of　the　rate　or　value　was　laid　upon　all

French　goods；　while　the　goods　of　other　nations　were；　the　greater

part　of　them；　subjected　to　much　lighter　duties；　seldom　exceeding

five　per　cent。　The　wine；　brandy；　salt　and　vinegar　of　France　were

indeed　excepted；　these　commodities　being　subjected　to　other　heavy

duties；　either　by　other　laws；　or　by　particular　clauses　of　the

same　law。　In　1696；　a　second　duty　of　twenty…five　per　cent；　the

first　not　having　been　thought　a　sufficient　discouragement；　was

imposed　upon　all　French　goods；　except　brandy；　together　with　a　new

duty　of　five…and…twenty　pounds　upon　the　ton　of　French　wine；　and

another　of　fifteen　pounds　upon　the　ton　of　French　vinegar。　French

goods　have　never　been　omitted　in　any　of　those　general　subsidies；

or　duties　of　five　per　cent；　which　have　been　imposed　upon　all；　or

the　greater　part　of　the　goods　enumerated　in　the　book　of　rates。　If

we　count　the　one…third　and　two…third　subsidies　as　making　a

complete　subsidy　between　them；　there　have　been　five　of　these

general　subsidies；　so　that　before　the　commencement　of　the　present

war　seventy…five　per　cent　may　be　considered　as　the　lowest　duty　to

which　the　greater　part　of　the　goods　of　the　growth；　produce；　or

manufacture　of　France　were　liable。　But　upon　the　greater　part　of

goods；　those　duties　are　equivalent　to　a　prohibition。　The　French

in　their　turn　have；　I　believe；　treated　our　goods　and　manufactures

just　as　hardly；　though　I　am　not　so　well　acquainted　with　the

particular　hardships　which　they　have　imposed　upon　them。　Those

mutual　restraints　have　put　an　end　to　almost　all　fair　commerce

between　the　two　nations；　and　smugglers　are　now　the　principal

importers；　either　of　British　goods　into　France；　or　of　French

goods　into　Great　Britain。　The　principles　which　I　have　been

examining　in　the　foregoing　chapter　took　their　origin　from　private

interest　and　the　spirit　of　monopoly；　those　which　I　am　going　to

examine　in　this；　from　national　prejudice　and　animosity。　They　are；

accordingly；　as　might　well　be　expected；　still　more　unreasonable。

They　are　so；　even　upon　the　principles　of　the　commercial　system。

　　　　　First；　though　it　were　certain　that　in　the　case　of　a　free

trade　between　France　and　England；　for　example；　the　balance　would

be　in　favour　of　France；　it　would　by　no　means　follow　that　such　a

trade　would　be　disadvantageous　to　England；　or　that　the　general

balance　of　its　whole　trade　would　thereby　be　turned　more　against

it。　If　the　wines　of　France　are　better　and　cheaper　than　those　of

Portugal；　or　its　linens　than　those　of　Germany；　it　would　be　more

advantageous　for　Great　Britain　to　purchase　both　the　wine　and　the

foreign　linen　which　it　had　occasion　for　of　France　than　of

Portugal　and　Germany。　Though　the　value　of　the　annual　importations

from　France　would