wealbk04-第9章

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goods　of　the　same　kind。

　　　　　This　second　limitation　of　the　freedom　of　trade　according　to

some　people　should；　upon　some　occasions；　be　extended　much　farther

than　to　the　precise　foreign　commodities　which　could　come　into

competition　with　those　which　had　been　taxed　at　home。　When　the

necessaries　of　life　have　been　taxed　any　country；　it　becomes

proper；　they　pretend；　to　tax　not　only　the　like　necessaries　of

life　imported　from　other　countries；　but　all　sorts　of　foreign

goods　which　can　come　into　competition　with　anything　that　is　the

produce　of　domestic　industry。　Subsistence；　they　say；　becomes

necessarily　dearer　in　consequence　of　such　taxes；　and　the　price　of

labour　must　always　rise　with　the　price　of　the　labourers'

subsistence。　Every　commodity；　therefore；　which　is　the　produce　of

domestic　industry；　though　not　immediately　taxed　itself；　becomes

dearer　in　consequence　of　such　taxes；　because　the　labour　which

produces　it　becomes　so。　Such　taxes；　therefore；　are　really

equivalent；　they　say；　to　a　tax　upon　every　particular　commodity

produced　at　home。　In　order　to　put　domestic　upon　the　same　footing

with　foreign　industry；　therefore；　it　becomes　necessary；　they

think；　to　lay　some　duty　upon　every　foreign　commodity　equal　to

this　enhancement　of　the　price　of　the　home　commodities　with　which

it　can　come　into　competition。

　　　　　Whether　taxes　upon　the　necessaries　of　life；　such　as　those　in

Great　Britain　upon　soap；　salt；　leather；　candles；　etc。；

necessarily　raise　the　price　of　labour；　and　consequently　that　of

all　other　commodities；　I　shall　consider　hereafter　when　I　come　to

treat　of　taxes。　Supposing；　however；　in　the　meantime；　that　they

have　this　effect；　and　they　have　it　undoubtedly；　this　general

enhancement　of　the　price　of　all　commodities；　in　consequence　of

that　of　labour；　is　a　case　which　differs　in　the　two　following

respects　from　that　of　a　particular　commodity　of　which　the　price

was　enhanced　by　a　particular　tax　immediately　imposed　upon　it。

　　　　　First；　it　might　always　be　known　with　great　exactness　how　far

the　price　of　such　a　commodity　could　be　enhanced　by　such　a　tax：

but　how　far　the　general　enhancement　of　the　price　of　labour　might

affect　that　of　every　different　commodity　about　which　labour　was

employed　could　never　be　known　with　any　tolerable　exactness。　It

would　be　impossible；　therefore；　to　proportion　with　any　tolerable

exactness　the　tax　upon　every　foreign　to　this　enhancement　of　the

price　of　every　home　commodity。

　　　　　Secondly；　taxes　upon　the　necessaries　of　life　have　nearly　the

same　effect　upon　the　circumstances　of　the　people　as　a　poor　soil

and　a　bad　climate。　Provisions　are　thereby　rendered　dearer　in　the

same　manner　as　if　it　required　extraordinary　labour　and　expense　to

raise　them。　As　in　the　natural　scarcity　arising　from　soil　and

climate　it　would　be　absurd　to　direct　the　people　in　what　manner

they　ought　to　employ　their　capitals　and　industry；　so　is　it

likewise　in　the　artificial　scarcity　arising　from　such　taxes。　To

be　left　to　accommodate；　as　well　as　they　could；　their　industry　to

their　situation；　and　to　find　out　those　employments　in　which；

notwithstanding　their　unfavourable　circumstances；　they　might　have

some　advantage　either　in　the　home　or　in　the　foreign　market；　is

what　in　both　cases　would　evidently　be　most　for　their　advantage。

To　lay　a　new　tax　upon　them；　because　they　are　already　overburdened

with　taxes；　and　because　they　already　pay　too　dear　for　the

necessaries　of　life；　to　make　them　likewise　pay　too　dear　for　the

greater　part　of　other　commodities；　is　certainly　a　most　absurd　way

of　making　amends。

　　　　　Such　taxes；　when　they　have　grown　up　to　a　certain　height；　are

a　curse　equal　to　the　barrenness　of　the　earth　and　the　inclemency

of　the　heavens；　and　yet　it　is　in　the　richest　and　most　industrious

countries　that　they　have　been　most　generally　imposed。　No　other

countries　could　support　so　great　a　disorder。　As　the　strongest

bodies　only　can　live　and　enjoy　health　under　an　unwholesome

regimen；　so　the　nations　only　that　in　every　sort　of　industry　have

the　greatest　natural　and　acquired　advantages　can　subsist　and

prosper　under　such　taxes。　Holland　is　the　country　in　Europe　in

which　they　abound　most；　and　which　from　peculiar　circumstances

continues　to　prosper；　not　by　means　of　them；　as　has　been　most

absurdly　supposed；　but　in　spite　of　them。

　　　　　As　there　are　two　cases　in　which　it　will　generally　be

advantageous　to　lay　some　burden　upon　foreign　for　the

encouragement　of　domestic　industry；　so　there　are　two　others　in

which　it　may　sometimes　be　a　matter　of　deliberation；　in　the　one；

how　far　it　is　proper　to　continue　the　free　importation　of　certain

foreign　goods；　and　in　the　other；　how　far；　or　in　what　manner；　it

may　be　proper　to　restore　that　free　importation　after　it　has　been

for　some　time　interrupted。

　　　　　The　case　in　which　it　may　sometimes　be　a　matter　of

deliberation　how　far　it　is　proper　to　continue　the　free

importation　of　certain　foreign　goods　is；　when　some　foreign　nation

restrains　by　high　duties　or　prohibitions　the　importation　of　some

of　our　manufactures　into　their　country。　Revenge　in　this　case

naturally　dictates　retaliation；　and　that　we　should　impose　the

like　duties　and　prohibitions　upon　the　importation　of　some　or　all

of　their　manufactures　into　ours。　Nations；　accordingly；　seldom

fail　to　retaliate　in　this　manner。　The　French　have　been

particularly　forward　to　favour　their　own　manufactures　by

restraining　the　importation　of　such　foreign　goods　as　could　come

into　competition　with　them。　In　this　consisted　a　great　part　of　the

policy　of　Mr。　Colbert；　who；　notwithstanding　his　great　abilities；

seems　in　this　case　to　have　been　imposed　upon　by　the　sophistry　of

merchants　and　manufacturers；　who　are　always　demanding　a　monopoly

against　their　countrymen。　It　is　at　present　the　opinion　of　the

most　intelligent　men　in　France　that　his　operations　of　this　kind

have　not　been　beneficial　to　his　country。　That　minister；　by　the

tariff　of　1667；　imposed　very　high　duties　upon　a　great　number　of

foreign　manufactures。　Upon　his　refusing　to　moderate　them　in

favour　of　the　Dutch；　they　in　1671　prohibited　the　importation　of

the　wines；　brandies；　and　manufactures　of　France。　The　war　of　1672

seems　to　have　been　in　part　occasioned　by　this　commercial　dispute。

The　peace　of　Nimeguen　put　an　end　to　it　in　1678　by　moderating　some

of　those　duties　in　favour　of　the　Dutch；　who　in　consequence　took

off　their　prohibition。　It　was　about　the　same　time　that　the　French

and　English　began　mutually　to　oppress　each　other's　industry　by

the　like　duties　and　prohibitions；　of　which　the　French；　however；

seem　to　have　set　the　first　example。　The　spirit　of　hostility　which

has　subsisted　between　the　two　nations　ever　since　has　hitherto

hindered　them　from　being　moderated　on　either　side。　In　1697　the

English　prohibited　the　importation　of　bonelace；　the　manufacture

of　Flanders。　The　government　of　that　country；　at　that　time　under

the　dominion　of　Spain；　prohibited　in　return　the　importation　of

English　woollens。　In　1700；　the　prohibition　of　importing　bonelace

into　England　was　taken　off　upon　condition　that　the　importance　of

English　woollens　into　Flanders　should　be　put　on　the　same　footing

as　before。

　　　　　There　may　be　good　policy　in　retaliations　of　this　kind；　when

there　is　a　probability　that　they　will　procure　the　repeal　of　the

high　duties　or　prohibitions　complained　of。　The　recovery　of　a

great　foreign　market　will　generally　more　than　compensate　the

transitory　inconveniency　of　paying　dearer　during　a　short　time　for

some　sorts　of　goods。　To　judge　whether　such　retaliations　are

likely　to　produce　such　an　effect　does　not；　perhaps；　belong　so

much　to　the　science　of　a　legislator；　whose　deliberations　ought　to

be　governed　by　general　principles　which　are　always　the　same；　as

to　the　skill　of　that　insidious　and　crafty　animal；　vulgarly　called

a　statesman　or　politician；　whose　councils　are　directed　by　the

momentary　fluctuations　of　affairs。　When　there　is　no　probability

that　any　such　repeal　can　be　procured；　it　seems　a　bad　method　of

compensating　the　injury　done　to　certain　classes　of　our　people　to

do　another　injury　ourselves；　not　only　to　those　classes；　but　to

almost　all　the　other　classes　of　them。　When　our　neighbours

prohibit　some　manufacture　of　ours；　we　generally　prohibit；　not

only　the　same；　for　that　alone　would　seldom　affect　them

considerably；　but　some　other　manufacture　of　theirs。　This　may　no

doubt　give　encouragement　to　some　particular　class　of　workmen

among　ourselves；　and　by　excluding　some　of　their　rivals；　may

enable　them　to　raise　their　price　in　the　home　market。　Those

workmen；　however；　who　suffered　by　our　neighbours'　prohibition

will　not　be　benefited　by　ours。　On　the　contrary；　they　and　almost

all　the　other　classes　of　our　citizens　will　thereby　be　obliged　to

pay　dearer　than　before　for　certain　goods。　Every　such　law；

therefore；　imposes　a　real　tax　upon　the　whole　country；　not　in

favour　of　that　particular　class　of　workmen　who　were　injured　by

our　neighbours'　prohibition；　but　of　some　other　class。

　　　　　The　case　in　which　it　may　sometimes　be　a　matter　of

deliberation；　how　far；　or　in　what　manner；　it　is　proper　to　restore

the　free　importation　of　foreign　goods；　after　it　has　been　for　some

time　interrupted；　is；　when　particular　manufactures；　by　means　of

high　duties　or　prohibitions　upon　all　foreign　goods　which　can　come

into　competition　with　them；　have　been　so　far　extended　as　to

employ　a　great　multitude　of　hands。　Humanity　may　in　this　case

require　that　the　freedom　of　trade　should　be　restored　only　by　slow

gradations；　and　with　a　good　deal　of　reserve　and　circumspection。

Were　those　high　duties　and　prohibitions　taken　away　all　at　once；

cheaper　foreign　goods　of　the　same　kind　might　be　poured　so　fast

into　the　home　market　as　to　deprive　all　at　once　many　thousands　of

our　people　of　their　ordinary　employment　and　means　of　subsistence。

The　disorder　which　this　would　occasion　might　no　doubt　be　very

considerable。　It　would　in　all　probability；　however；　be　much　less

than　is　commonly　imagined；　for　the　two　following　reasons：…

　　　　　First；　all　those　manufactures；　of　which　any　part　is　commonly

exported　to　other　European　countries　without　a　bounty；　could　be

very　little　affected　by　the　freest　importation　of　foreign　goods。

Such　manufactures　must　be　sold　as　cheap　abroad　as　any　other

foreign　goods　of　the　same　quality　and　kind；　and　consequently　must

be　sold　cheaper　at　home。　They　would　still；　therefore；　keep

possession　of　the　home　market；　and　though　a　capricious　man　of

fashion　might　sometimes　prefer　foreign　wares；　merely　because　they

were　foreign；　to　cheaper　and　better　goods　of　the　same　kind　that

were　made　at　home；　this　folly　could；　from　the　nature　of　things；

extend　to　so　few　that　it　could　make　no　sensible　impression　upon

the　general　employment　of　the　people。　But　a　great　part　of　all　the

different　branches　of　our　woollen　manufacture；　of　our　tanned

leather；　and　of　our　hardware；　are　annually　exported　to　other

European　countries　without　any　bounty；　and　these　are　the

manufactures　which　employ　the　greatest　number　of　hands。　The　silk；

perhaps；　is　the　manufacture　which　would　suffer　the　most　by　this

freedom　of　trade；　and　after　it　the　linen；　though　the　latter　much

less　than